\t\t\t\t\t\t\t ![](\"http:\/\/lekolin.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2020\/03\/210-206.jpg\")
\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n
\t\t\t\t\t\tRojnameger: Em \u015fahid, bers\u00fbc \u00fb dozdar\u00ean komkujiya siyas\u00ee ne \u2013 D\u00ceHA<\/p>\n
<\/p>\n
\u00a04’em\u00een r\u00fbni\u015ftina doza KCK’\u00ea ya 26 j\u00ea girt\u00ee 46 rojnameger\u00ean kurd t\u00ean darizandin li 15’em\u00een Dadgeha Cezay\u00ea Giran a Stenbol\u00ea hat d\u00eetin. Di r\u00fbni\u015ftin\u00ea de parastina kurd\u00ee p\u00ea\u015fke\u015f\u00ee heyet\u00ea kirin \u00fb diyar kirin ku ew di roja 22\u2019y\u00ea Avr\u00eal\u00ea de derdikevin p\u00ea\u015fber\u00ee dadgeh\u00ea ku ew wek roja Rojnamegeriya Kurd\u00ee t\u00ea p\u00eerozkirin \u00fb \u00eero j\u00ee salvegera w\u00ea ya 115\u2019em\u00een e \u00fb wiha got: “Li cih\u00ea ku her ti\u015ft l\u00ea neasay\u00ee ye, ti\u015ft\u00ea asay\u00ee j\u00ee neasay\u00ee t\u00ea d\u00eetin. Gel\u00ee dadger\u00ean bir\u00eaz, ev gotin\u00ean han\u00ea ku di destp\u00eak\u00ea de ji me re j\u00ee ne watedar in, rew\u015fa hey\u00ee xwe\u015ftir rave dikin. Bi v\u00ea boney\u00ea, \u00eero li vir k\u00ee t\u00ea darizandin \u00fb y\u00ea didariz\u00eene k\u00ee ye, em dib\u00eajin her hal biryara v\u00ea yek\u00ea d\u00ea d\u00eerok bi xwe bide \u00fb ev rast\u00ee j\u00ee ew \u00ea di nav r\u00fbpel\u00ean d\u00eerok\u00ea de cih\u00ea xwe bigire.”<\/p>\n
R\u00fbni\u015ftina doza 26 j\u00ea girt\u00ee 46 rojnameger\u00ean kurd li 15’em\u00een Dadgeha Cezay\u00ean Giran a Stenbol\u00ea ser\u00ea sib\u00ea dest p\u00ea kir \u00fb \u00eavar\u00ee bi daw\u00ee b\u00fb. 4’em\u00een r\u00fbni\u015ftina doza ku 46 rojnameger di 20’e Kan\u00fbna 2011’an de hatin bin\u00e7avkirin \u00fb 36 j\u00ea hatin girtin \u00fb pi\u015ftre 10 rojnameger serbest hatin berdan li Kampusa Girt\u00eegeha Silivriy\u00ea 15’em\u00een Dadgeha Cezay\u00ea Giran a Stenbol\u00ea berdewam kir. Runitin\u00ea ser\u00ea sib\u00ea bi tesp\u00eeta nasnameyan berdewam kir \u00fb bi xwendina del\u00eelan dom kir. Parastina rojnamegeran bi riya terc\u00fbman hat kirin. Di parastin\u00ea de li ser nav\u00ea hem\u00fb rojnamegeran Rojnameger Ertu\u015f Bozkurt, paratina kurd\u00ee ku ji 28 r\u00fbpelan pek dihat p\u00ea\u015fk\u00ea\u015f\u00ee heyeta dadgeh\u00ea kir. Bozkurt, Rojnameg \u00fb Niv\u00eeskar\u00ea Kurd Musa Anter bib\u00eer xist \u00fb got “Em \u015fahid, bers\u00fbc \u00fb dozdar\u00ea komkujiya siyas\u00ee ne” Bozkurt, ji ber 115’em\u00een salvegera cejna Rojnamegeriya kurd\u00ee 22’\u00ea N\u00eesan\u00ea spasiy\u00ean xwe ji kes\u00ean ku ev cejn diyar\u00ee wan kiriye re kir \u00fb wiha got: “Em dixwazin di destp\u00eak\u00ea de bib\u00eajin ku em hewce p\u00ea nab\u00eenin par\u00eaziyeke huq\u00fbk\u00ee bikin. Li dij\u00ee v\u00ea tawandariya b\u00eawate, neheq \u00fb der\u00ee huq\u00fbq\u00ea, hem ji aliy\u00ea p\u00ee\u015feya me \u00fb nirx\u00ean ku em wan dinim\u00eenin, hem j\u00ee ji aliy\u00ea p\u00eagiriya me ya rasteq\u00eeniy\u00ea ve ev yek d\u00ea b\u00eawate be. Her hal kes\u00ean ku me bi biryar \u00fb n\u00eazikt\u00eadan\u00ean siyas\u00ee ve dadiriz\u00eenin, ji me parastineke huq\u00fbq\u00ee h\u00eav\u00ee nakin. Ev doz, wek berhemeke biryar\u00ean siyas\u00ee y\u00ean desthilata AKP\u2019\u00ea, projey\u00ean wan \u00ean muhend\u00eesiya civak\u00ee \u00fb stratejiya tesfiyekirina muxelefeta kurd a tevah\u00ee derketiye hol\u00ea. Ev rast\u00ee di nav bi dehan daxuyaniyan de cih girtiye ku ji aliy\u00ea Serokwez\u00eer R. T. Erdogan, al\u00eekar\u00ea w\u00ee Be\u015f\u00eer Atalay \u00fb Wez\u00eer\u00ea Kar\u00ean Hundir\u00een \u00ea Ber\u00ea \u00cedr\u00ees Na\u00eem \u015eah\u00een ve ji raya gi\u015ft\u00ee re hatine kirin \u00fb raya gi\u015ft\u00ee bi xwe \u015fahid\u00ea v\u00ea yek\u00ea ye. Jixwe gotina Be\u015f\u00eer Atalay bi ten\u00ea j\u00ee, ya ku \u201cOperasyon\u00ean KCK\u2019\u00ea, di civ\u00eena Desteya Wez\u00eeran de di nav \u00e7ar\u00e7oveya \u2018projeya \u00e7areseriya entegrey\u00ea\u2019 de hatiye plankirin bes e ji bo n\u00ee\u015fandana sedem\u00ea siyas\u00ee ya v\u00ea doz\u00ea. Bi v\u00ea biryara siyas\u00ee, operasyon li me hate kirin \u00fb beriya dozger\u00ea bir\u00eaz mekan\u00eezmaya siyas\u00ee \u00fb hin quncikniv\u00ees li dij\u00ee me ketin nav liv \u00fb tevger\u00ea. Ji lew re dosyaya ku der bar\u00ea me de hatiye amadekirin berhemeke hevpar a erka bicihan\u00een\u00ea, biryargir\u00ean siyas\u00ee, hin derdor\u00ean \u00e7apemeniy\u00ea \u00fb ya bir\u00eaz dozger e. Nirxandina ku em \u00ea li ser nav\u00ea rojnameger\u00ean girt\u00ee y\u00ean xebatkar\u00ean \u00e7apemeniya azad bikin, em d\u00ea bi v\u00ea n\u00ear\u00een\u00ea bikin. Em tevger\u00eena li gor\u00ee senaryoya berhema siyaseta hik\u00fbmet\u00ea ya ku dozger\u00ea bir\u00eaz ew li qelem daye \u00fb hik\u00fbmet bi xwe j\u00ee di van rojan de diyar dike ku dev j\u00ea berdaye, napejir\u00eenin. Di nirxandin\u00ean xwe de em \u00ea prens\u00eeb\u00ean huq\u00fbq\u00ee y\u00ean gerd\u00fbn\u00ee, p\u00eevan\u00ean \u00e7apemen\u00ee, derbir\u00een \u00fb azadiya raman\u00ea \u00fb mafdariya xwe ya d\u00eerok\u00ee esas bigirin.”<\/p>\n
‘Ev doz tawanbarkirina hem\u00fb \u00e7apemeniya azad a kurd e’<\/p>\n
Bozkurt, di parastina kurd\u00ee de wiha berdewam kir: “Em gotina xwe ya daw\u00ee di ser\u00ee de a\u015fkera bikin: Ev doz ji k\u00eejan aliy\u00ee ve b\u00ea nirxandin bila b\u00ea nirxandin, ev darizandina derbir\u00eena raman \u00fb azadiya xwebir\u00eaxistinkirin\u00ea ye, tawanbarkirina p\u00ee\u015feya \u00e7apemen\u00ee \u00fb rojnamegeriy\u00ea ye, ya her\u00ee gir\u00eeng j\u00ee te\u015feb\u00fbsa mehk\u00fbmkirina tevah\u00ee ya \u00e7apemeniya azad a kurd e. Ev adetek\u00ee desthilat\u00ea ye ku em p\u00ea dizanin \u00fb em h\u00een\u00ee w\u00ea b\u00fbne, l\u00ea her car j\u00ee ev yek ne\u00e7\u00fbye ser\u00ee \u00fb bi ser neketiye. Ji bo ku em v\u00ea rastiya d\u00eerok\u00ee a\u015fkera bikin j\u00ee, div\u00ea em ti\u015ft\u00ean ku ji h\u00eala dozger\u00ea bir\u00eaz ve hatine tevl\u00eehevkirin, ji hev derxin.
Di ser\u00ee de em dixwazin diyar bikin ku em \u00ea li dij\u00ee anga\u015ft\u00ean der\u00ee aqil, der\u00ee zanist\u00ea, y\u00ean li dij\u00ee heb\u00fbna b\u00fbneweran, bi aqil, bi zanist, bi mantiq \u00fb wijdan, bi maf \u00fb dad\u00ee rawestin. Em \u00ea d\u00eesan berpirsiya xwe b\u00eenin cih \u00fb em \u00ea li \u015fopa van s\u00fbcdariyan bigerin \u00fb \u00e7avek\u00ee li t\u00eakiliy\u00ean raman \u00fb desthilat\u00ea biger\u00eenin.”<\/p>\n
‘Desthilat t\u00eakil\u00eep\u00eakirina li p\u00ea\u015fve\u00e7\u00fbna asay\u00ee ya raman\u00ea ye’<\/p>\n
Bozkurt, di dir\u00eajahiya parastin\u00ea de wiha got: “Ji bo ku em bikaribin kontrola desthilat\u00ea ya li ser raman\u00ea \u00fb tehdeya w\u00ea ya li ser azadiya raman \u00fb derbir\u00een\u00ea fehm bikin, hewce ye em bi awayek\u00ee kurt \u00e7avek\u00ee li d\u00eerok\u00ea biger\u00eenin. D\u00eeroka niv\u00eesk\u00ee ya serweran, ku me ew vekolaye, wek d\u00eeroka desthilatb\u00fbn\u00ea derdikeve p\u00ea\u015fiya me \u00fb ev d\u00eerok bi awayek\u00ee teqez an d\u00eeroka bidestxistina raman\u00ea yan j\u00ee d\u00eeroka \u00ear\u00ee\u015fa li dij\u00ee raman\u00ea ye. Ji lew re, em k\u00ea\u015fey\u00ea wek derbir\u00eena raman\u00ea \u00fb azadiya \u00e7apemeniy\u00ea dib\u00eenin. Ev pirsgir\u00eak j\u00ee \u00eero ten\u00ea bi me ve ne eleqedar e, ev k\u00ea\u015feyeke hezar salan a mirovb\u00fby\u00een \u00fb azadb\u00fbn\u00ea ye. Sedemkar\u00ean w\u00ea, kes\u00ean serwer \u00fb bir\u00eaveber in. Kok \u00fb bingeh\u00ean v\u00ea j\u00ee digih\u00eeje desthilat \u00fb serweriya xweydewlet. Ev rasteq\u00eeneya diyalekt\u00eek j\u00ee bi naveroka raman\u00ea, bi p\u00eanase \u00fb bi wan nirxan re eleqedar e ku ew tems\u00eel dikin. Ji lew re, raman ji aliy\u00ea merc\u00ean ku bi wan re derketiye hol\u00ea, ji bil\u00ee \u00e7alakiyeke entelektuel\u00ee, berhemeke ked\u00ea ye \u00fb zeng\u00eeniya her\u00ee mezin e. Ked \u00fb afirandina raman\u00ea ya ked\u00ea, merhaleyeke mirovb\u00fby\u00een\u00ea ye. P\u00eanaseya Ar\u00eestoteles a \u201cMirov ajalek\u00ee civak\u00ee ye ku dikare bifikire , ji xwe amaje bi v\u00ea yek\u00ea dike \u00fb ezm\u00fbneke jiyan\u00ee j\u00ee diyar dike. Bi gotina Kant, \u201cdest \u00e7awa \u201cm\u00eaj\u00ee ye ku dir\u00eaj\u00ee derve b\u00fbye , ziman j\u00ee \u00eefadeya hevpar a her duyan e \u00fb bendeke zexm di navbera ked, raman \u00fb gotin\u00ea de heye ji ber v\u00ea yek\u00ea d\u00eeroknas wek teoriya d\u00eerok\u00ea, d\u00eeroka mirovahiy\u00ea di van sal\u00ean daw\u00ee de m\u00eena \u201cd\u00eeroka raman\u00ea hildin dest. Raman, hi\u015fmend\u00ee, t\u00eagih\u00ee\u015ftin, encameke mecb\u00fbr\u00ee ya qan\u00fbn\u00ean sir\u00fb\u015ft\u00ee b\u00fb \u00fb hizir\u00eena bi awayek\u00ee din j\u00ee ne gengaz b\u00fb. Di wan tezan de, y\u00ean ku mirovb\u00fbn\u00ea bi aqil\u00ea mirov ve, bi ramana w\u00ee ve gir\u00ea didan, ew wek \u201cyek\u00fbna t\u00eakiliy\u00ean civak\u00ee dinirxandin \u00fb ew n\u00ear\u00een\u00ean ku \u201cked \u00fb hi\u015fmendiy\u00ea wek merc\u00ean hev \u00fb hevbandoriya diyalekt\u00eek a xweser\u00ee mirovan did\u00eet j\u00ee, \u00ee\u015faret bi wan her du aliyan dike ku rastiy\u00ea temam dikin. Gava ku hi\u015fmend\u00ee \u00fb raman di dest\u00ea mirov de digih\u00eeje h\u00eazeke mezin an j\u00ee gava ev h\u00eaz t\u00ea kif\u015fkirin, jiyan\u00ea j\u00ee dest bi dager\u00een \u00fb veguher\u00een\u00ea kir. Ji v\u00ee aliy\u00ee ve raman p\u00eavajoyeke \u015fore\u015f\u00ee ya bingeh\u00een e. Mirov bi saya v\u00ea h\u00eaz\u00ea, gih\u00ee\u015fte gihaneka mirovb\u00fby\u00een\u00ea.”<\/p>\n
‘Feraseta serweriy\u00ea 5 hezar salin belaya ser\u00ea mirovan e’<\/p>\n
Bozurt, di berdewama parastin\u00ea de bal ki\u015fand ser h\u00eaza raman\u00ea \u00fb serdestiy\u00ea \u00fb wiha p\u00eade \u00e7\u00fb: “Nexwe ferqa di navbera mirov \u00fb ajalan de, bi wec\u00eezeya Prof. Dr. Alfred Weber, bi qas\u00ee \u201cr\u00eaje yan j\u00ee ferqa kul\u00eelk\u00ea ya bi b\u00fbtik\u00ea ye. Ev h\u00eaza veger\u00eener a mezin a ku em j\u00ea re raman dib\u00eajin, kir ku p\u00ea\u015f\u00ee mirov bibe serdest\u00ea hawira xwe, l\u00ea mixabin mirovan pi\u015ftre ev serdest\u00ee dij\u00ee hev \u00fb din bi kar an\u00ee. Ev h\u00eaz, bi v\u00ee away\u00ee di demeke kurt de, li navg\u00eeneke desthilat\u00ea dageriya. Kes\u00ean ku xwest li ser civak\u00ea, komeke serdestiy\u00ea bi kar b\u00eenin, p\u00ea\u015f\u00ee ber\u00ea xwe dan raman\u00ea, t\u00ea ko\u015fiyan ku w\u00ea bi dest bixin. Bi destxistina v\u00ea h\u00eaz\u00ea re, t\u00eakil\u00ee bi binyata civak\u00ee hate kirin \u00fb binyata sir\u00fb\u015ft\u00ee hate teribandin, r\u00eazik \u00fb r\u00eazan\u00ean n\u00fb y\u00ean civak\u00ee hatin afirandin ku ew xwe disp\u00ear\u00ean serwer\u00ee \u00fb d\u00eel\u00eetiya hizir \u00fb raman\u00ea. T\u00eakiliya serweriy\u00ea, ya em j\u00ea re dib\u00eajin civaka xwed\u00ee dewlet, ku ev 5 hezar sal e belaya ser\u00ea mirovan e, a wiha wek berhema forma xwed\u00ee bingeha desthilat\u00ea li p\u00ea\u015fber\u00ee me rawestiyaye. Sedemeke din j\u00ee ya ku serwer bi ser raman\u00ea de di\u00e7in ew e, digel daxwaziya b\u00fby\u00eena h\u00eaza sereke, dixwaze ku bibe p\u00eakvetiya hem\u00fb zeng\u00eeniyan. \u00c7awan ku me di ser\u00ee de j\u00ee a\u015fkera kir, bidestxistina raman\u00ea ku ew berhema ked\u00ea ye, t\u00ea mehneya bidestxistina ked\u00ea \u00fb destp\u00eakirina p\u00eavajoya kedxwariy\u00ea ye. Formula v\u00ea teoriya serweriy\u00ea ku heta roja me didome, berevajiy\u00ea fehm \u00fb feraseta hey\u00ee, gelek h\u00easan e. Raman\u00ea, ku ew kana h\u00eaz \u00fb zeng\u00eeniy\u00ea ye, bi dest bixe, dewlemend\u00eetiyan \u00eestismar bike, ji bo tim\u00eekirina v\u00ea yek\u00ea j\u00ee raman\u00ea bixe bin pawana xwe, mesela li z\u00eeguratan, ji saziy\u00ean cuda y\u00ean xwed\u00ee wesf\u00ean perwerdehiy\u00ea xweveki\u015fandina serwer \u00fb serdestan a ji p\u00eavajoya ked\u00ea \u00fb hilbirandina raman\u00ea, ne beredah\u00ee ye. Ev ti\u015ft\u00ea ku em dib\u00eajin bi v\u00ea rastiy\u00ea ve gir\u00eadah\u00ee ye. Peyama ku t\u00ea day\u00een ev e: eger hewce bi fikir\u00een\u00ea hebe, ew kar\u00ea me ye, mafek\u00ee bi ten\u00ea y\u00ea civak\u00ea heye xizmetkirina ji me re. Pawanb\u00fbna raman \u00fb zanyariy\u00ea wiha dest p\u00ea kiriye. Wek riya xistina bin kontrol\u00ea ya civak\u00ea \u00fb marastin \u00fb kedxwariy\u00ea, gava ku raman q\u00eem nekiriye \u00eecar ser\u00ee li tehde \u00fb tundiy\u00ea daye. Bi der\u00fbniya mirovahiy\u00ea l\u00eestine \u00fb xurafe xistine dewrey\u00ea. Li ser nav\u00ea baweriy\u00ea, mirov kirine bend \u00fb evd. Serweran xwe wek xweda-kral, siya xwedawend a li ser r\u00fby\u00ea dinyay\u00ea, n\u00fbner\u00ean w\u00ee ragihandine \u00fb ji bo desthilat\u00ea ser\u00ee li gelek r\u00ea \u00fb dirban dane. Digel v\u00ea yek\u00ea, her \u00e7i r\u00ea \u00fb r\u00eabaz hatibin ceribandin j\u00ee, d\u00eesan ji bo ku mirov bikin bende \u00fb keda wan b\u00ea xwarin, diviya ku ji fikir\u00een\u00ea d\u00fbr bihatina hi\u015ftin \u00fb div\u00ea kar\u00ea hizir\u00een \u00fb fikir\u00een\u00ea y\u00ea bir\u00eaveberan b\u00fbya. Ev d\u00eerok wek d\u00eeroka F\u00eerewn, d\u00eeroka p\u00fbtan derket p\u00ea\u015fber\u00ee me.”<\/p>\n
‘Her p\u00eaxemberek li dij\u00ee statukoyek\u00ea ye’<\/p>\n
Ertu\u015f Bozkurt di parastina xwe de wiha berdewam kir: “L\u00ea bel\u00ea, li dij\u00ee v\u00ea j\u00ee d\u00eeroka Hz. \u00cebrah\u00eem heye. D\u00eeroka bi hezaran a p\u00eaxemberan heye ku her yek ji wan li dij\u00ee statukoy\u00ea r\u00ean\u00ee\u015fanderek\u00ee rast \u00fb bera ye. Ji lew re, li dij\u00ee hem\u00fb qedexe, tehde \u00fb zilm\u00ea \u00fb hem\u00fb xurafeyan, berevaj\u00eekirina hi\u015fmendiy\u00ea, heta ku dest\u00ea mirovahiy\u00ea kar\u00ee kar bike \u00fb mirovah\u00ee bi keda xwe hebe, melekeya xwe ya raman\u00ea ku ew encama jiyana sir\u00fb\u015ftiy\u00ea, winda nekir. Her \u00e7i qas ramiya rast\u00ee d\u00eet \u00fb tevger\u00eena ber p\u00ea de j\u00ee berep\u00ea\u015f \u00e7\u00fb. Raman xw\u00eadana eniya mirovahiy\u00ea \u00fb berhema ked\u00ea b\u00fb \u00fb qet di w\u00ea j\u00ee nebihur\u00ee.<\/p>\n
Serwer ji daxwaza ku raman wek navg\u00een \u00fb amraza desthilat\u00ea bikin bin pawana xwe venegeriyan. Platon cih\u00ea bereday\u00ee zanist, hi\u015fmend\u00ee yan j\u00ee “r\u00eaveber\u00ea f\u00eelozof ” wek p\u00eevaneke r\u00eavebirin\u00ea danan\u00eeb\u00fb hol\u00ea. Li gor\u00ee w\u00ee dewleta \u00eedeal ancax mirov\u00ean hi\u015fmend dikarin \u00eedare bikin. Ji ber ku re\u015fexelk ne hi\u015fmend in, kes\u00ean bijare y\u00ean r\u00eaveber \u00fb karg\u00ear, ji ber\u00ea ve hatib\u00fbn diyarkirin. Ev j\u00ee di heman dem\u00ea de dihat w\u00ea wateya ku raman b\u00ea ferm\u00eekirin \u00fb bikeve bin pawana dewlet\u00ea\/pawana r\u00eavebirin\u00ea. Ev yek di d\u00eeroka raman\u00ea de, aver\u00eab\u00fbna raman\u00ea ya ji riya xwe ya sir\u00fb\u015ft\u00ee ya duyem a mezin e. \u015eikestina p\u00ea\u015f\u00een di p\u00eavajoya dewletb\u00fbn\u00ea de \u00fb ya duyem j\u00ee bi niv\u00eesandina kit\u00eaba dewlet\u00ea, bi ferm\u00eekirina w\u00ea p\u00eak dihat. Ev \u015fikan \u00fb terk\u00ean han\u00ea, b\u00fbn sedem\u00ean berevaj\u00eekirina d\u00eeroka mirovahiy\u00ea, wan kir ku ew ji riya xwe derkeve. Sedem\u00ea ku mirov b\u00fbye d\u00eel\u00ea ti\u015ft\u00ean ku w\u00ee bi xwe afirandine, ev e. \u00cero ev her cure neheq\u00ee, nehuq\u00fbq\u00ee, rew\u015fa xerab, \u015fer, talan, kedxwar\u00ee \u00fb b\u00eaexlaqiy\u00ean ku diqewimin, ji v\u00ea yek\u00ea t\u00ean ku ji ber e\u015fqa desthilat\u00ea, mudaxele li herk \u00fb berdewamiya raman\u00ea t\u00ea kirin \u00fb ew t\u00ea berevaj\u00eekirin. D\u00eerok bi nim\u00fbney\u00ean b\u00eahejmar \u00ean ku van tezan dipey\u00eet\u00eene, tije \u00fb dagirt\u00ee ye.”<\/p>\n
‘Bi hezaran ramanwer \u00ean bi ramana xwe re xay\u00een nagerin, bedel\u00ean mezin dan’<\/p>\n
Bozkurt, li ser bedela rastiy\u00ea j\u00ee rawestiya \u00fb wiha got: “Digel her ti\u015ft\u00ee, li dij\u00ee v\u00ea rew\u015fa xerab, helwesta ku al\u00eegir\u00ea berdewamiya sir\u00fb\u015ft\u00ee ya raman\u00ea ye, ew tesl\u00eem\u00ea serdestan nake, aliy\u00ea raman\u00ea y\u00ea ked\u00ea li p\u00ea\u015f \u00e7av digere, p\u00eagiriya w\u00ea dike \u00fb ji bo v\u00ea j\u00ee t\u00eako\u015f\u00eeneke b\u00eaaman dide, qet k\u00eam neb\u00fb. Bi hezaran ramanwer \u00ean ku bi bi ramana xwe re xay\u00een nagerin, bedel\u00ean mezin dan. Digel hem\u00fb \u00ear\u00ee\u015f\u00ean desthilat\u00ea, berxwedana raman\u00ee wek berteka sir\u00fb\u015ft\u00ee ya heb\u00fbn\u00ea derket hol\u00ea. Ji bo v\u00ea rew\u015f\u00ea day\u00eena bi hezaran nim\u00fbne \u00fb bib\u00eeran\u00eena kesatiy\u00ean d\u00eerok\u00ee gengaz \u00fb mimkun e. Ten\u00ea ji bo ku mesele b\u00ea fehmkirin, \u00e7\u00eeroka Sokrates, ti\u015ft\u00ean ku l\u00ea qewim\u00eene \u00fb t\u00eakiliya w\u00ee ya bi desthilat\u00ea re, bes e. \u015eagirt \u00fb hemdem\u00ea w\u00ee Platon, raman\u00ea di dest\u00ea dewlet\u00ea de ferm\u00ee dikir, li dij\u00ee v\u00ea yek\u00ea Sokrates ramana azad tems\u00eel dikir. Rexnekirina w\u00ee ya dewlet\u00ea ya li ser bingeha raman\u00ea, kir ku ew bibe hedef. J\u00ea dihat xwestin ku ew zanyar\u00ee, civar\u00ee \u00fb tecr\u00fbbeya xwe li gor\u00ee xwestina dewlet\u00ea, her wiha li gor\u00ee dil\u00ea r\u00eaveberan bi kar b\u00eene. L\u00ea w\u00ee faz\u00eelet \u00fb raman ji bo jiyaneke civak\u00ee ya h\u00een ba\u015ftir \u00fb kesatiyeke azad bi kar an\u00een. Ji lew re, ji v\u00ee aliy\u00ee ve raman\u00ean Platon li gor\u00ee y\u00ean sokrates t\u00ea wateya rev\u00eezyon\u00ea ya li leh\u00ea dewlet\u00ea. Jixwe em Sokrates j\u00ee ji raman\u00ean Platon dizanin ku em baweriya xwe bi rastiya wan naynin. L\u00ea ti\u015ft\u00ea ku em dizanin \u00fb p\u00ea ewle ne, ew e ku ew ji ber raman\u00ean xwe du\u00e7ar\u00ee xezeba desthilat\u00ean w\u00ea dem\u00ea b\u00fbye. Ji ber ku Sokrates difikir\u00ee \u00fb ev raman j\u00ee bi gel re parve dikir, bi bahaneya ku \u201cxortan bi kar t\u00eene \u00fb gel ji r\u00ea derdixe hatiye darizandin \u00fb ku\u015ftin. Ev j\u00ee bersiva serweran a ji ramana azad re b\u00fb. Ji ber ku Platon ji bo may\u00eendet\u00ee \u00fb dahat\u00fbya dewlet\u00ea fikiriye \u00fb raman j\u00ee ji bo v\u00ea yek\u00ea ferm\u00ee kiriye hatiye xelatkirin, l\u00ea y\u00ea ku bi awayek\u00ee azad hiziriye \u00fb li raman\u00ean xwe xwed\u00ee derketiye, hatiye darizandin \u00fb ku\u015ftin, ma wek\u00ee din wateya v\u00ea yek\u00ea heye gelo?! Ev adet\u00ea ku di \u015fexs\u00ea Sokrates de, ramana azad dadgeh kiriye \u00fb ew mehk\u00fbm kiriye ev 2 hezar 5 sed sal e wek genet\u00eekeke deshilat\u00ea \u00fb koda w\u00ea berdewam e. \u00cero, b\u00fbn \u00fb heb\u00fbna me ya li vir del\u00eela her\u00ee mezin a v\u00ea yek\u00ea ye.”<\/p>\n
\u00ceslam\u00ea j\u00ee ku dij\u00ee statukoy\u00ea \u00fb \u201cli ser nav\u00ea Xwed\u00ea mirov gaz\u00ee heq \u00fb rastiy\u00ea dikir pi\u015ft\u00ee b\u00fb desthilat hat guhertin’<\/p>\n
Bozkurt, li ser rastiya desthilatdariy\u00ea ya li hemberi heq \u00fb ratiy\u00ea j\u00ee rawestiya \u00fb wiha got: “Ev tehdeya desthilat\u00ea ya li ser raman\u00ea \u00fb t\u00eakiliya w\u00ea, di civak\u00ean Rojhilat de \u00fb di her cure binyat\u00ean civak\u00ee y\u00ean \u00eedeoloj\u00eek \u00ean a\u00eed\u00ea w\u00ea de, derdikevin p\u00ea\u015fber\u00ee me. Ramana \u00eeslam\u00ea j\u00ee ku ew bi xwe li dij\u00ee statukoy\u00ea, li dij\u00ee dewra cah\u00eeliyey\u00ea \u201cli ser nav\u00ea Xwed\u00ea mirov gaz\u00ee heq \u00fb rastiy\u00ea dikirin, pi\u015ft\u00ee b\u00fb xwed\u00ee desthilat\u00ea, li dij\u00ee nefer\u00ean xwe y\u00ean zanist \u00fb raman\u00ea xwed\u00ee heman t\u00eakiliya tehek\u00fbm\u00ea ye. Ramanwer\u00ean tesawuf\u00ea y\u00ean m\u00eenan\u00ee El Kind\u00ee, Farab\u00ee, El Raz\u00ee, ji ber ku wan bi ten\u00ea ti\u015ft\u00ean ji desthilatdar\u00ean dewra xwe cuda digotin, du\u00e7ar\u00ee gelek tehde \u00fb p\u00eakutiyan b\u00fbne. Ev hem\u00fb m\u00eenak di heman dem\u00ea de bi me didin n\u00ee\u015fandan ku raman eger rexney\u00ee be \u00fb bikaribe ti\u015ft\u00ea hey\u00ee pirsyar\u00ee bike dikare bi p\u00ea\u015f bikeve \u00fb ge\u015f bibe. L\u00ea desthilat, \u00eecar li Rojhilata Nav\u00een, h\u00eazeke \u00eelah\u00ee etf\u00ee xwe dike \u00fb xwe p\u00eeroz dib\u00eene, ji ber v\u00ea p\u00eeroziy\u00ea j\u00ee xwe ji hem\u00fb rexneyan bex\u015fand\u00ee dib\u00eene \u00fb pirsyar\u00eekirina xwe j\u00ee wek s\u00fbcek\u00ee her\u00ee mezin dib\u00eene. Nexwe em \u00ea \u00e7awan fehm bikin ku ew \u00cemam Xezaliy\u00ea ku li dij\u00ee \u201c\u00eesbatkirina heb\u00fbna Xwed\u00ea derdiket, bi xwe j\u00ee du\u00e7ar\u00ee tehdeyan b\u00fbye \u00fb d\u00eesan \u015eehabed\u00een Suhrewerd\u00ee ku wek\u00ee Man\u00ee heq\u00eeqet di ronahiy\u00ea de did\u00eet, l\u00ea bi fermana fermandar\u00ea \u00eeslam\u00ea Selhed\u00een\u00ea Ey\u00fbb\u00ee, bi hinceta \u201cdijatiya d\u00een hatiye ku\u015ftin. L\u00ea bel\u00ea tehde raman\u00ea nakuje, berevaj\u00ee mezintir dike. Di sala 992\u2019yan de gava ji ber gotina Helac\u00ea Mens\u00fbr \u201cEnel Heq\/Ez heq\u00eeqet im \u00e7erm\u00ea w\u00ee gurandin, serdestan digot qey wan raman j\u00ee ku\u015ftiye. L\u00ea heman raman \u00eecar ji aliy\u00ea ramanwer\u00ea \u00eeslam\u00ea Fazlullah Estarabad\u00ee ve hate gotin.”<\/p>\n
Hozan \u00fb Ramanvane mezin Guardino Bruno zind\u00ee hat \u015fewitandin’<\/p>\n
Bozkurt, li ser rastiya d\u00eerok\u00ea \u00fb feraset\u00ean li dij\u00ee rastiye j\u00ee rawestiya \u00fb wiha parastin kir: “Ev rew\u015f bi ten\u00ea ne a\u00eed\u00ea \u00e7anda \u00eeslam\u00ea ye, \u00e7imk\u00ee dijatiya raman\u00ea koda desthilatiy\u00ea \u00fb ya tehek\u00fbm\u00ea ye. Bin\u00earin, Hypatiaya \u00ceskenderiyey\u00ee ku di sedema xwe de \u00eelahiyetnasek b\u00fb \u00fb ten\u00ea ji bo civata xwe hin tez\u00ean n\u00fb diparast bi awayek\u00ee tirsnak hate ku\u015ftin. Hozan \u00fb ramanwer\u00ea mezin Guardino Bruno ku di ronesansa Ewr\u00fbpay\u00ea de xwed\u00ee paye ye, ten\u00ea ji ber raman\u00ean xwe li Romay\u00ea bi zind\u00eet\u00ee hate \u015fewitandin. Welatiy\u00ea w\u00ee Gal\u00eeleo Gal\u00eele\u00ee, ji ber ku got \u201cdinya ne navenda gerd\u00fbn\u00ea ye li Dadgeha Engiz\u00eesyon\u00ea hate darizandin \u00fb ji ber ku li gotina xwe po\u015fman b\u00fb, ji mirin\u00ea filit\u00ee. Hem\u00fb j\u00ee \u00e7i qas nas \u00fb nasyar in ji me re. Ewr\u00fbpa qism\u00ee be j\u00ee, ji \u015ferma \u015fewitandina mirovan a ji ber raman\u00ea wan, xelas b\u00fb. L\u00ea 400 sal bi \u015f\u00fbn de, komek hunermend ten\u00ea ji ber hizir \u00fb ramana xwe li S\u00eawaz\u00ea hatin \u015fewitandin \u00fb d\u00fby\u00ea wan tev\u00ee d\u00fby\u00ea Bruno b\u00fb, l\u00ea em h\u00eena j\u00ee bi \u015ferma pirsyar\u00eekirina ramana mirovan dij\u00een. Ev hem\u00fb m\u00eenak, hem berdewamiya raman\u00ea hem j\u00ee mezinahiya berdewamiya \u00ear\u00ee\u015f\u00ean desthilat\u00ea y\u00ean li dij\u00ee raman\u00ea n\u00ee\u015fan didin. Ev rew\u015f del\u00eel\u00ea tirsa desthilat\u00ea ya li hember\u00ee ramana alternaf e j\u00ee. Li cih\u00ea ku l\u00ea ramana azad heye, tehek\u00fbm, serdest \u00fb bindest\u00ee l\u00ea bi h\u00easan\u00ee p\u00eak nay\u00ea. Loma li dij\u00ee desthilat\u00ea, astenga her\u00ee sereke ramana azad t\u00ea d\u00eetin. Bi dir\u00eajiya d\u00eerok\u00ea gir\u00eengiya ku etf\u00ee raman\u00ea t\u00ea kirin, her dem z\u00eadetir e. Ji aliyek\u00ee ve j\u00ee kana sereke ya heb\u00fbn\u00ea ye. Descartes, gava digot \u201cez difikirim nexwe ez heme , bi ten\u00ea h\u00eem\u00ea felsefeya \u00eedeal\u00eest zexm nedikir, teza felsefeya materyal\u00eest j\u00ee gava digot \u201cji ber ku ez heme difikirim , di cewher\u00ea xwe de bi gotin\u00ean cih\u00ea amaje bi rastiy\u00ea ya bi heman aliy\u00ee ve dikir. Bend\u00ea zexm \u00ea raman\u00ea y\u00ea bi heb\u00fbn\u00ea re, bi van her du felsefeyan ve, bi palpi\u015ft\u00ean h\u00eem\u00ee ve dihat pey\u00eetandin. Eger em bi awayek\u00ee, j\u00eader\u00eenek\u00ea bikin, te\u015feb\u00fbsa bidestxistina raman\u00ea di heman dem\u00ea de te\u015feb\u00fbsa bidestxistina b\u00fbneweriy\u00ea ye ku p\u00eaw\u00eestiya w\u00ea bi tehek\u00fbm\u00ea heye \u00fb ji aliy\u00ea serweran ve j\u00ee rehendeke w\u00ea ya dilbijiy\u00ea heye. Elbet, digel v\u00ea rew\u015f\u00ea, xwed\u00eederketina li raman\u00ea, te\u015feb\u00fbsa parastina b\u00fbneweriy\u00ea \u00fb xweb\u00fbn\u00ea ye, ji v\u00ee aliy\u00ee ve ev ne terc\u00eehek e, mecb\u00fbriyek e. Ev meseleyeke nasname \u00fb kesatiy\u00ea ye. Her wisan, mijareke heb\u00fbn\u00ea, k\u00ea\u015feyeke ontoloj\u00eek e. Ji lew re, \u00eero xwed\u00eederketina me ya li ramana xwe, ji bo nasnameya me, ji bo kesatiya me \u00fb xweb\u00fbna me mecb\u00fbriyetek e. Digel her ti\u015ft\u00ee, em xwe ji bo parastina ramana azad a ku domana \u00e7\u00eeroka mirovahiy\u00ea dab\u00een dike, minetdar dib\u00eenin ku berpirsiyeke mezin daye ser mil\u00ean me. Her wiha ev huz\u00fbreke wisan e ku helwesta xweyfaz\u00eelet v\u00ea bex\u015f\u00ee me dike \u00fb ev j\u00ee terc\u00eehek e ji bo me. Bel\u00ea ev p\u00eavajoya d\u00eerok\u00ee bi m\u00eenak \u00fb dersan ve tij\u00ee ye. \u00c7end\u00ee ji v\u00ea yek\u00ea derxistina encam\u00ean cur bi cur mimkun be j\u00ee, hem\u00fb encam ligel hev di nav aheng\u00ee hevgiriy\u00ea de ne. Bi tu away\u00ee ji van nim\u00fbneyan encamek li leh\u00ea desthilat \u00fb serdestan nay\u00ea derxistin. Eger ku b\u00ea derxistin, w\u00ea gav\u00ea rast\u00ee d\u00ea b\u00ea teribandin \u00fb berevaj\u00eekirin. Bel\u00ea em ba\u015f p\u00ea dizanin ku desthilat der bar\u00ea v\u00ea yek\u00ea de gelek hunerwer in. Ti\u015ftek\u00ee a\u015fkera \u00fb li ber \u00e7avan e, b\u00ea \u00e7awan demek\u00ea hin kes mexd\u00fbr kirine \u00fb pa\u015f\u00ea li wan b\u00fbne xwed\u00ee. L\u00ea ev rew\u015f, rastiya meseley\u00ea nikare biguher\u00eene. Li vir rastiya tek ew e ku raman bi awayek\u00ee r\u00eak\u00fbp\u00eak du\u00e7ar\u00ee \u00ear\u00ee\u015fa serdestan b\u00fbye. Li aliyek\u00ee bi h\u00eaza ramana ku ji xwe re ked\u00ee kiriye kara \u00fb desthilatdar b\u00fbye, ji aliyek\u00ee ve j\u00ee ramana azad \u00fb alternat\u00eef ji xwe re xeternak d\u00eetiye, ku ev rew\u015f tam li gor\u00ee rasteq\u00eeneya desthilat\u00ea ye. Wek\u00ee ku zanist\u00ea j\u00ee pey\u00eetandiye, \u00e7awan ku genet\u00eeka civakan hebe\/ hatibe \u015f\u00eawandin, desthilat j\u00ee bi awayek\u00ee mutleq li ser genet\u00eekek\u00ea hatiye \u015f\u00eawandin. Dem, mekan \u00fb civak b\u00eay\u00ee ku ferq bikin hema bib\u00eaje wek\u00ee hev \u00fb bi d\u00eemeneke gerd\u00fbn\u00ee derketine p\u00ea\u015fber\u00ee me, ku ev yek bi genet\u00eeka desthilat\u00ea ve t\u00eakildar e. Kod \u00fb \u015f\u00eefrey\u00ean v\u00ea genet\u00eek\u00ea hene. A ev genet\u00eek 2 hezar 500 sal ber\u00ea bi hinceta ku \u201ccivak\u00ea ji r\u00ea derdixe Sokrates, \u00eero j\u00ee me bi sedema ku \u201cdi navbera gel de k\u00een \u00fb nefret\u00ea \u00e7\u00eadikin tawanbar dike. Ev genet\u00eek li van xakan bi sedema \u201cdijatiya ol\u00ea li Rojhilata Nav\u00een \u00e7erm\u00ea Helac digur\u00eene, li \u00ceskenderiyey\u00ea Hypatiay\u00ea bi awayek\u00ee wisan dikuje, li Romay\u00ea Bruno di\u015fewit\u00eene, \u015euhrewerd\u00ee dikuje. Ji ber v\u00ea yek\u00ea kes\u00ean ku q\u00eemet bi raman\u00ea didin \u00fb azadiya w\u00ea dipar\u00eazin, gava bi tawanbariyan re r\u00fb bir \u00fb dim\u00eenin qet naheyirin. Ji lew re ew ti\u015ft\u00ea ku p\u00ea re r\u00fb bi r\u00fb mane, ti\u015ftek\u00ee pir kevn, kart\u00fb \u00fb b\u00eawate ye, hem j\u00ee adetek\u00ee desthilat\u00ea y\u00ea b\u00eaencam e.”<\/p>\n
‘Berevaj\u00eekirina raman\u00ea, mirina rasteq\u00eeniy\u00ea ye’<\/p>\n
Bozkurt, di dumahiya parastin\u00ea de wiha dir\u00eaj\u00ee da parastin\u00ea. “Di v\u00ea vegotina me ya kurte ya der bar\u00ea raman\u00ea de, derdikeve hol\u00ea ku \u00e7end\u00ee desthilat hewl bide ku raman\u00ea bixe bin kontrola xwe, ku nikaribe, \u00eecar bi hunerweriya xwe ya r\u00ea \u00fb r\u00eabazan dixwaze kesan biqutif\u00eene, l\u00ea bi hezaran sal e ku ti\u015ftek z\u00eade neguheriye. \u00cero j\u00ee em hem ji ber p\u00ee\u015feya xwe \u00fb felsefeya xwe ya jiyan\u00ea, hem j\u00ee ji ber t\u00eako\u015f\u00eena azadiya raman \u00fb \u00eefadey\u00ea ku me bedel daye, di heman dem\u00ea de sedeqeta bi ked \u00fb m\u00eerasa kes\u00ean ku nirx\u00ean gerd\u00fbn\u00ee \u00fb \u00eensan\u00ee afirandine, em j\u00ee xwed\u00eederketina li raman, bawer\u00ee \u00fb azadiya derbir\u00een\u00ea wek mecb\u00fbriyek\u00ea dib\u00eenin. Em xwed\u00ee w\u00ee hi\u015f\u00ee ne ku l\u00eager\u00eena li heq\u00eeqet\u00ea, ramana azad, di nav rastiy\u00ea bi xwe de ye. L\u00eageriya li rastiy\u00ea ku ew xala gihaneka hem\u00fb azadiyan e, em dizanin ku ew riyeke dijwar \u00fb bedeldar e. D\u00eesan di roja me de, wek\u00ee di hem\u00fb t\u00eagih \u00fb diyardeyan de, em j\u00ea agahdar in ku \u00e7emka \u201cheq\u00eeqet \u00ea \u00e7i ji aliy\u00ea term\u00eenoloj\u00eek ve, \u00e7i j\u00ee ji aliy\u00ea diyardey\u00ee ve t\u00ea berevaj\u00eekirin \u00fb em p\u00ea dizanin ku hilber\u00eena heq\u00eeqeta s\u00fbn\u00ee ya hey\u00ee j\u00ee, t\u00ea kirin. Ji ber v\u00ea sedem\u00ea, der bar\u00ea eger\u00ean t\u00eagiha heq\u00eeqet\u00ea \u00fb berevaj\u00eekirin\u00ea w\u00ea de, em hewcet\u00ee bi vegotina \u00e7end mijaran dib\u00eenin. Ji ber v\u00ea eger\u00ea, gava em hevk\u00ea\u015feya desthilat\u00ee \u00fb heq\u00eeqet\u00ea hildin dest, biv\u00ea nev\u00ea em \u00ea xwe di parametreya civak\u00ee \u00fb d\u00eerok\u00ee de, di nav gilok\u00ean diyardey\u00ean kompl\u00eeke de bib\u00eenin. Eger berevaj\u00ee em w\u00ea hildin dest, gava em li d\u00eeroka berevaj\u00eekirina heq\u00eeqet\u00ea, teribandin \u00fb d\u00fbrxistina ji naveroka w\u00ea bin\u00earin, di heman dem\u00ea de em dest diav\u00eajin d\u00eeroka desthilat\u00ea j\u00ee. Ku em sadetir bikin, hem\u00fb desthilat li ser heq\u00eeqet\u00ean hey\u00ee y\u00ean berevaj\u00eekir\u00ee hatine avakirin. Di p\u00eavajoya avakirina van heq\u00eeqetan de, ku\u015ftina rasteq\u00eeney\u00ean sir\u00fb\u015ft\u00ee j\u00ee, \u00eecraet\u00ean her\u00ee gir\u00eeng \u00ean wan desthilat\u00ean li ser sehney\u00ean d\u00eerok\u00ea ne. Ew az\u00een\u00ean ku hezaran sal ber\u00ea hatine afirandin an j\u00ee kif\u015fkirin, ser\u00ea p\u00ea\u015f\u00een ji bo berevaj\u00eekirina hi\u015fmendiya civak\u00ee, teribandin \u00fb dewr\u00fbda\u00eemkirina w\u00ea ye, da ku careke din ney\u00ea sererastkirin \u00fb ser\u00fbbinkirina berdewamiya p\u00eavajoya d\u00eerok\u00ee ya v\u00ea b\u00eer \u00fb hafizey\u00ea ye. Ji w\u00ea roja ku diyardeya desthilat\u00ea hatiye hi\u015f\u00ea \u00eensanan \u00fb bi diyardeya dewlet\u00ea re bi yek b\u00fbye, ew az\u00eena ku hatiye bikaran\u00een, di rastiya xwe de tim eyn\u00ee b\u00fbye. \u00c7imk\u00ee teribandina hi\u015fmend\u00ee \u00fb hafizey\u00ea, ku b\u00eay\u00ee rizay\u00ea nebe, desthilat ba\u015f p\u00ea dizanin ku xesbkirina v\u00eena civakan bi dar\u00ea zor\u00ea ji bo demeke d\u00fbr \u00fb dir\u00eaj nay\u00ea kirin. Desthilatan tim rexistinb\u00fbn, ku ew hal\u00ea \u00eecray\u00ea ya pirreng\u00ee, pirdeng\u00ee \u00fb plural\u00eest a civakan e, wek raman \u00fb meyleke xeternak daye n\u00ee\u015fandan. Ji bo navg\u00eena v\u00ea yek\u00ea j\u00ee, wan r\u00eabaza re\u015fkirin\u00ea wek h\u00eamaneke her\u00ee sereke bi kar aniye. Dema em \u00eero li d\u00eeroka ku p\u00ea\u015fk\u00ea\u015f\u00ee me kirine din\u00earin, em dib\u00eenin ku ew ji qeydkirina v\u00ea b\u00eaexlaqiy\u00ea p\u00eak t\u00ea.”<\/p>\n
‘D\u00eerok yek al\u00ee hatiye niv\u00eesandin’<\/p>\n
Bozkurt, di parastin\u00ea de li ser rastniv\u00eesa d\u00eerok\u00ea j\u00ee rawestiya \u00fb wiha axiv\u00ee: “Di r\u00fbpel\u00ean v\u00ea d\u00eeroka han\u00ea de ku serdestan ew hilberandiye, nirx\u00ean gerd\u00fbn\u00ee y\u00ean ku mirovahiy\u00ea ew afirandine \u00fb afir\u00eener\u00ean van nirxan tune ne. Tu dib\u00eaj\u00ee qey d\u00eerok ji kral, t\u00eeran, \u00eemparator \u00fb ji \u00e7alakiy\u00ean ku\u015ftin, mirin, \u015fer \u00fb talan\u00ean dewletan \u00fb ji damezirandin \u00fb hilwe\u015f\u00eena dewletan p\u00eak hatiye, wisan p\u00ea\u015fk\u00ea\u015f\u00ee me dikin. Ji bil\u00ee v\u00ea d\u00eerok\u00ea \u00fb rastiya civak\u00ee ya ku li ser\u00ea hatiye avakirin, nehatiye xwestin ku t\u00ea de alternat\u00eefek hebe, j\u00ea b\u00ea axaftin \u00fb t\u00ea b\u00ea fikir\u00een, her wiha desthilat\u00ea hewl daye ku ev rew\u015f wek qeder b\u00ea p\u00ea\u015fk\u00ea\u015fkirin<\/p>\n
P\u00eazaneb\u00fbna bi heq\u00eeqet\u00ean civak\u00ee \u00fb d\u00eerok\u00ee her wisa meyldarb\u00fbna ber bi wan ve, ji aliy\u00ea desthilatan ve destp\u00eaka dawiy\u00ea ye \u00fb desthilat ba\u015f p\u00ea dizanin ku ev yek t\u00ea wateya xerab\u00fbna efs\u00fbn \u00fb neh\u00eeniya rasteq\u00eeney\u00ean p\u00ea\u015fk\u00ea\u015fkir\u00ee. Ji ber v\u00ea yek\u00ea ye ku desthilat dixwazin tim zanyar\u00ee di bin pawana wan de be ku ev yek ji p\u00ea\u015fekiy\u00ean wan e. Bel\u00ea \u201czanyar\u00ee h\u00eaz e \u00fb pawana zanyariy\u00ea j\u00ee, riya tekane ye ku xwe wek \u201cdest\u00ea tek p\u00ea\u015fk\u00ea\u015f\u00ee civak\u00ea bike. \u00c7awan xwe gihandina van zanyariyan 5 hezar sal ber\u00ea di dema sumeriyan de, ji ber raz\u00ean \u00eelah\u00ee y\u00ean rah\u00eeb\u00ean z\u00eeguratan ne mimkun be, \u00eero j\u00ee ji ber ku ew raz\u00ean netewey\u00ee y\u00ean gewre y\u00ean odey\u00ean kozm\u00eek \u00ean netewedewlet\u00ea ne, ne mimkun in. Qalib\u00ean raman\u00ee \u00fb form\u00ean siyas\u00ee y\u00ean ku rahib\u00ean sumer\u00ee bi hezaran sal ber\u00ea form\u00fble kirib\u00fbn, wek nexwe\u015f\u00eenek\u00ea bi p\u00eas\u00eera mirovahiy\u00ea girtine.<\/p>\n
L\u00ea ji ber ku afer\u00ee\u015fa sir\u00fb\u015ft \u00fb e\u015fya pirreng \u00fb pirdeng\u00ee ye, ew di qan\u00fbn\u00ean feraseta mon\u00eest de hilnay\u00ean \u00fb naguncin. Ji ber ku avaniya e\u015fya dual\u00eest e, li dij\u00ee z\u00eahniyeta tekperest a desthilatan bi berdewam\u00ee \u00fb dir\u00eajahiya d\u00eerok\u00ea, t\u00eako\u015f\u00eeneke destan\u00ee \u00e7\u00eab\u00fbye. D\u00eeroka ferm\u00ee ya p\u00ea\u015fk\u00ea\u015fkir\u00ee, \u00e7end\u00ee v\u00ea yek\u00ea neb\u00eaje j\u00ee rast\u00ee ev e. Li hember\u00ee tekpar\u00eaziy\u00ea mirovahiy\u00ea pirrengiya xwe h\u00eavi\u015fandiye \u00fb ji bo v\u00ea yek\u00ea j\u00ee bedel\u00ean mezin dane \u00fb cudah\u00ee jiyandine.”<\/p>\n
Bozkurt li ser rola medya alternatif j\u00ee rawestiya \u00fb wiha got:<\/p>\n
1- Medya alternatif medya ku ne hegemon e. Medya ku li d\u00fbr\u00ee serdestiye ye<\/p>\n
2- Medya Alternatif, civak\u00ea dixe nava l\u00eapirs\u00een \u00fb l\u00eager\u00een\u00ea. Fikr \u00fb raman\u00ea \u00fb nirxandin\u00ea dide civak\u00ea. Armanc dike ku b\u00fbyeren nay\u00ea ditin bide d\u00eetin \u00fb y\u00ean t\u00ea d\u00eetin j\u00ee \u00eespat bike.<\/p>\n
3- Medya Alternatif li dij\u00ee berjewendi \u00fb kar\u00ea ye.<\/p>\n
4- Medya Alternatif hem\u00fb agahiyan bi civak\u00ea re parve dike<\/p>\n
5- Medya Alternatif li dij\u00ee hi\u015fmend\u00ee \u00fb ramana m\u00ear e \u00fb xweza u ekolojiy\u00ea dipar\u00eaze.
6- Medya Alternatif heq\u00eeqet\u00ea \u00fb rastiy\u00ea dipar\u00eaze. Ji bo parastiya rastiy\u00ea t\u00eako\u015f\u00een\u00ea dide.<\/p>\n
7- Medya alternatif nirxan dipar\u00eaze \u00fb bilin dike.<\/p>\n
Bozkurt, parastin heta r\u00fbpela 10’n xwend \u00fb pi\u015ftre 28 r\u00fbpel parastina kurd\u00ee p\u00ea\u015fk\u00ea\u015f\u00ee heyet\u00ea kir. Heyet\u00ea pi\u015ftre r\u00fbni\u015ftina doz\u00ea taloq\u00ee 24’\u00ea N\u00eesan\u00eakir.<\/p>\n
<\/p>\n
’23 Nisan’\u0131 bilmiyorum \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmak zorunday\u0131m’ \u2013 D\u0130HA<\/p>\n
Uluslararas\u0131 \u00c7al\u0131\u015fma \u00d6rg\u00fct\u00fc (ILO), \u00e7ocuk i\u015f\u00e7ili\u011fini d\u00fcnyan\u0131n en temel sorunlar\u0131 aras\u0131nda sayarken, T\u00fcrkiye’de yakla\u015f\u0131k bir milyon \u00e7ocuk i\u015f\u00e7inin bulundu\u011fu ve bu say\u0131n\u0131n artt\u0131\u011f\u0131 belirtiliyor. 16 ya\u015f\u0131ndaki Yakup Turan, 23 Nisan’\u0131n ne oldu\u011funu bildi\u011fini belirterek, “Televizyonlarda bayram diyorlar. Ama ben \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmak zorunday\u0131m. Bu y\u00fczden ka\u00e7 Nisan oldu\u011fu beni ilgilendirmiyor” dedi.<\/p>\n
\u00c7ocuk i\u015f\u00e7ili\u011fini d\u00fcnya g\u00fcndeminin en \u00fcst s\u0131ralar\u0131nda yer almas\u0131 gereken ve ivedi \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm bekleyen bir sorun olarak tan\u0131mlayan Uluslararas\u0131 \u00c7al\u0131\u015fma \u00d6rg\u00fct\u00fc (ILO), milyonlarca \u00e7ocu\u011fun fiziksel, zihinsel, e\u011fitsel, sosyal, duygusal, ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel geli\u015fimlerine zarar veren ve ulusal yasalarla uluslararas\u0131 standartlara uygun olmayan ko\u015fullarda \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirtiyor. \u0130LO, bug\u00fcn d\u00fcnyadaki 74 \u00fclke ile devam ettirdi\u011fi “\u00c7ocuk \u0130\u015f\u00e7ili\u011finin Sona Erdirilmesi Uluslararas\u0131 Program\u0131”n\u0131, Brezilya, Hindistan, Endonezya, Kenya, Tayland ve T\u00fcrkiye ile ba\u015flatarak, T\u00fcrkiye’yi d\u00fcnyan\u0131n \u00e7ocuk i\u015f\u00e7ili\u011fi konusundaki en olumsuz ko\u015fullar\u0131 olan 6 \u00fclke aras\u0131na alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. \u00c7ocuk i\u015f\u00e7ili\u011fi sorununun geli\u015fmekte olan her \u00fclke i\u00e7in oldu\u011fu gibi, T\u00fcrkiye i\u00e7in de \u00f6nem ta\u015f\u0131yan bir konu oldu\u011funu vurgulayan \u0130LO, sorunun n\u00fcfus, e\u011fitim d\u00fczeyi, ekonomik geli\u015fim ve sosyal kalk\u0131nma kavramlar\u0131yla do\u011frudan ilgili oldu\u011funu kaydediyor. T\u00fcrkiye’nin k\u0131rsal yerle\u015fimden kentsel yerle\u015fime ve tar\u0131msal ekonomiden sanayi ekonomisine ge\u00e7i\u015f s\u00fcreci ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131na i\u015faret eden \u0130LO, ba\u015fl\u0131ca kent merkezlerine g\u00f6\u00e7 trendinin, sosyal destek a\u011f\u0131n\u0131n yetersizli\u011fi veya kent ya\u015fam\u0131na uyum sa\u011flayamama ile birle\u015fti\u011finde, \u00e7ocuk i\u015f\u00e7ili\u011finin daha fazla g\u00fcndeme geldi\u011fini, \u00f6zellikle ailenin gelir d\u00fczeyini artt\u0131rmak amac\u0131yla sokaklarda ve marjinal sekt\u00f6rlerde \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan \u00e7ocuklar\u0131n say\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n belirgin bir \u015fekilde artt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ifade ediyor.<\/p>\n
T\u00dc\u0130K: 900 bin \u00e7ocuk i\u015f\u00e7i var<\/p>\n
T\u00fcrkiye \u0130statistik Kurumu (T\u00dc\u0130K) ve Devrimci \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Sendikalar\u0131 Konfederasyonu Ara\u015ft\u0131rma Merkezi’nin (D\u0130SK-AR) son d\u00f6nemlerde yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar \u0130LO’nun tespitlerini do\u011fruluyor. T\u00dc\u0130K, 2012 y\u0131l\u0131 sonu \u00c7ocuk \u0130\u015fg\u00fcc\u00fc Anketi Sonu\u00e7lar\u0131’na g\u00f6re, 2012 y\u0131l\u0131nda \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan \u00e7ocuk say\u0131s\u0131 6-14 ya\u015f grubunda 292 bin ki\u015fi, 15-17 ya\u015f grubunda ise 601 bin ki\u015fi olarak veriyor. T\u00dc\u0130K verilerine g\u00f6re, \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan \u00e7ocuklar\u0131n y\u00fczde 49.8’i bir okula devam ederken, y\u00fczde 50.2’si ise okula devam edemiyor. T\u00dc\u0130K, \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan \u00e7ocuklar\u0131n y\u00fczde 52.6’s\u0131n\u0131n (470 bin ki\u015fi) \u00fccretli veya yevmiyeli, y\u00fczde 46.2’sinin (413 bin ki\u015fi) ise \u00fccretsiz aile i\u015f\u00e7isi oldu\u011funu vurguluyor.<\/p>\n
Ev i\u00e7inde \u00e7al\u0131\u015fanlar da eklenirse 2 \u00e7ocuktan 1’i \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yor<\/p>\n
Konuya ili\u015fkin ge\u00e7ti\u011fimiz Nisan ay\u0131nda \u00f6nemli bir \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma yay\u0131nlayan D\u0130SK-AR ise, d\u00fcnya genelinde 306 milyon \u00e7ocuk i\u015f\u00e7inin bulundu\u011funu a\u00e7\u0131klad\u0131. T\u00fcrkiye’deki \u00e7ocuk i\u015f\u00e7i say\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 T\u00dc\u0130K’in de verdi\u011fi 1 milyona yakla\u015f\u0131k olarak veren D\u0130SK-AR’\u0131n \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131nda, \u00e7ocuk i\u015f\u00e7ili\u011fi ile m\u00fccadelenin ivmesinin de giderek d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fcne dikkat \u00e7ekildi. Rapor, T\u00fcrkiye’de istihdam i\u00e7inde de\u011ferlendirilmeyen ev i\u015flerinde \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan \u00e7ocuklar\u0131n say\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n 1999 y\u0131l\u0131nda 4 milyon 447 bin iken, 2006 y\u0131l\u0131nda bu say\u0131n\u0131n 7 milyona ula\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131na i\u015faret ederken, ev i\u015flerinde \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan \u00e7ocuklar da de\u011ferlendirildi\u011finde 5-17 ya\u015f aras\u0131 toplam \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan \u00e7ocuk oran\u0131n\u0131n y\u00fczde 49’u buldu\u011funu ve b\u00f6ylelikle T\u00fcrkiye’de her 2 \u00e7ocuktan birinin \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 vurguluyor. D\u0130SK-AR raporunda, T\u00fcrkiye’de toplamda 1 milyona yakla\u015fan \u00e7ocuk i\u015f\u00e7ilerin say\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n artaca\u011f\u0131 tespitine yer veriliyor.<\/p>\n
‘Televizyonlarda bayram diyorlar’<\/p>\n
Yap\u0131lan ara\u015ft\u0131rmalardan habersiz olan 16 ya\u015f\u0131ndaki Yakup Turan ise, anlatt\u0131klar\u0131 ile \u00e7ocuk i\u015f\u00e7ili\u011finin neden, nas\u0131l ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, nelere mal oldu\u011funu ve ne gibi zorluklar olu\u015fturdu\u011funu kan\u0131tl\u0131yor. \u00c7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 oto tamircisinde bir taraftan i\u015fini yaparken, di\u011fer taraftan konu\u015fan Turan, 5 \u00e7ocuklu bir ailenin en b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00e7ocu\u011fu oldu\u011funu s\u00f6yledi. Babas\u0131n\u0131n in\u015faatlarda kal\u0131p i\u015f\u00e7ili\u011fi yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yleyen Turan, “Babam s\u00fcrekli i\u015f bulam\u0131yor. Bu y\u00fczden ge\u00e7inemiyorduk. 3 y\u0131l \u00f6nce k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcklerime bakabilmek, aile b\u00fct\u00e7esine katk\u0131 sunmak amac\u0131yla i\u015fe ba\u015flay\u0131p, okulu b\u0131rakt\u0131m. Burada \u00e7al\u0131\u015farak haftada 100 TL kazan\u0131yorum. Param\u0131 g\u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fcp aileme veriyorum” dedi. “Bug\u00fcn\u00fcn tarihi \u00f6nemi nedir” sorusuna g\u00fclerek “Bilmiyorum” diye cevap veren Turan, “Bug\u00fcn 23 Nisan \u00c7ocuk Bayram\u0131” s\u00f6zlerine ise \u015fu kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 veriyor: “Ben 23 Nisan’\u0131 biliyorum. Televizyonlarda bayram diyorlar. Ama ben \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmak zorunday\u0131m. Bu y\u00fczden ka\u00e7 Nisan oldu\u011fu beni ilgilendirmiyor.”<\/p>\n
\u015eervan\u00ean jin \u00ean YPG\u2019\u00ea di \u00e7apemeniya c\u00eehan\u00ea de ne – ANF<\/p>\n
\u015eervan\u00ean jin \u00ean YPG\u2019\u00ea y\u00ean ku li taxa \u015e\u00eax Meqs\u00fbd a Heleb\u00ea li dij\u00ee rej\u00eema S\u00fbriyey\u00ea cih\u00ea xwe di eniya \u015fer de girtin, cihek berfireh di \u00e7apemeniya c\u00eehan\u00ea de girtin. Telev\u00eezyona VRT ya Bel\u00e7\u00eekay\u00ea ji bo \u015fervan\u00ean jin \u00ean YPG\u2019\u00ea got: \u201cJi bo maf\u00ean S\u00fbriyey\u00ee, Kurd \u00fb jinan \u015fer dikin , Ajansa N\u00fb\u00e7eyan a Fransey\u00ea (AFP) j\u00ee got: \u201cDi eniya \u015fer a S\u00fbriyey\u00ea de \u015fervan\u00ean jin \u00ean Kurd ciheke taybet digirin. <\/p>\n
Saziya Flaman a Radyo \u00fb Telev\u00eezyon\u00ea ya Bel\u00e7\u00eekay\u00ea (VRT) di bulteya xwe ya sereke de cih da \u015fervan\u00ean jin \u00ean YPG\u2019\u00ea y\u00ean ku li taxa \u015e\u00eax Meqs\u00fbd a Heleb\u00ea di eniya \u015fer de cih\u00ea xwe girtib\u00fbn.<\/p>\n
N\u00fb\u00e7egihan\u00ea \u015fer \u00ea Bel\u00e7\u00eekay\u00ea y\u00ea xwed\u00ee tecr\u00fbbe Rudi Vranckx di n\u00fb\u00e7eya xwe de diyar kir ku li \u015e\u00eax Meqs\u00fbd\u00ea z\u00eadetir\u00ea sed hezar Kurd hene, di van dem\u00ean dawiy\u00ea de ketiye dest\u00ea Art\u00ea\u015fa Azad \u00fb bi taybet j\u00ee \u201cmil\u00ees\u00ean Kurd \u00fb niha b\u00fbye eniya \u015fer.<\/p>\n
Di n\u00fb\u00e7ey\u00ea de t\u00ea diyarkirin ku \u015f\u00eaniy\u00ean tax\u00ea ji ber \u015fer ko\u00e7ber dibin \u00fb bajar j\u00ee ji ber ko\u00e7beriy\u00ea veguhertiye \u201cbajarek\u00ee xeyaletan. Her wiha di n\u00fb\u00e7ey\u00ea de t\u00ea destn\u00ee\u015fankirin ku her ku di\u00e7e di \u015fer de oldar\u00ean rad\u00eekal cih digirin, l\u00ea n\u00fb\u00e7egihan li vir li rast\u00ee \u015fervan\u00ean jin \u00ean Kurd hatine.<\/p>\n
Vranckx\u00a0 \u00fb koma di\u00e7in cih\u00ea tab\u00fbra \u015fervan\u00ean jin \u00ean YPG\u2019y\u00ee \u00fb di n\u00fb\u00e7eya xwe de cih dide axaftin\u00ean \u015fervan\u00ean YPG\u2019\u00ea H\u00eerek \u015e\u00eelan \u00fb R\u00fbken.<\/p>\n
R\u00fbken dide diyarkirin ku segvan\u00ean wan hene \u00fb \u00e7ek\u00ean wan \u00ean bi mak\u00eeney\u00ee hene \u00fb dib\u00eaje: \u201cEm ji bo azadiya jinan \u015fer dikin. Em gel \u00fb jinan dipar\u00eazin. Armanca me azad\u00ee \u00fb demokras\u00ee ye. <\/p>\n
\u015e\u00eelan j\u00ee dib\u00eaje: \u201cLi cih\u00ea ku zilam xwed\u00ee mafan bin \u00fb jin j\u00ee m\u00eena koleyan bin, em hewl didin ku jinan ji koletiy\u00ea rizgar bikin \u00fb diyar kir dike ku dema mesele dibe maf, jin \u00fb m\u00ear wekhev in.<\/p>\n
Telev\u00eezyon\u00ea di n\u00fb\u00e7eya xwe de cih da nobetguhertina \u015fervan\u00ean segvan \u00ean YPG\u2019\u00ea. \u015eervaneke jin ku nobet\u00ea dewr digire, \u015fervaneke jin di kozik\u00ea de cih\u00ea xwe dike, n\u00ee\u015fan dike \u00fb gule dibar\u00eene.<\/p>\n
Rudi Vranckx di dawiya n\u00fb\u00e7eya xwe dib\u00eaje: \u201cHer ku di\u00e7e n\u00fb\u00e7ey\u00ean li ser \u015fervan\u00ean c\u00eehand\u00ea \u00fb oldar\u00ean rad\u00eekal z\u00eadeti dibin, di \u015fereke wiha de d\u00eetina ke\u00e7\u00ean Kurd \u00ean ku ji bo wekheviy\u00ea t\u00eadiko\u015fin, surpr\u00eez e. Wisa dixuy\u00ea ku evane d\u00ea pi\u015ft\u00ee \u015fer j\u00ee qet dest ji maf\u00ean xwe bernedin.”<\/p>\n
AFP: \u015eERVAN\u00caN JIN \u00caN PKK\u2019Y\u00ce LI C\u00ceHAN\u00ca NAVDAR IN<\/p>\n
Ajansa n\u00fb\u00e7eyan a Fransey\u00ea AFP\u2019\u00ea j\u00ee di n\u00fb\u00e7eyeke bi d\u00eemen de cih da \u015fervan\u00ean jin \u00ean Kurd \u00ean li Heleb\u00ea di eniya \u015fer de cih girtin. Ajans\u00ea ji bo n\u00fb\u00e7ey\u00ea sern\u00fb\u00e7eya \u201cDi eniya \u015fer a S\u00fbriyey\u00ea de \u015fervan\u00ean jin \u00ean Kurd ciheke taybet digirin bi kar an\u00ee \u00fb di n\u00fb\u00e7ey\u00ea de dib\u00eaje: \u201cFermandara jin Eng\u00eezek a ku por\u00ea w\u00ea vekir\u00ee b\u00fb ferman dide \u015fervan\u00ean m\u00ear \u00ean Kurd. <\/p>\n
AFP dib\u00eaje: “Ber\u00fbvajiy\u00ea Ereban kevne\u015fopiyeke demdir\u00eaj a \u015fer a jin\u00ean Kurd heye. \u015eervan\u00ean jin \u00ean PKK\u2019\u00ea di sal\u00ean 1990\u2019an de bi taybet bi \u00e7alakiy\u00ean \u00eent\u00eehariy\u00ea li c\u00eehan\u00ea navdar b\u00fbne. <\/p>\n
AFP diyar dike ku tab\u00fbra ku Eng\u00eezek fermandara w\u00ea b\u00fb ji se\u00ee 20 ji jinan p\u00eak dihat \u00fb ragihand ku gir\u00eaday\u00ee YPG\u2019\u00ea ne. Ajans di n\u00fb\u00e7eya xwe de bal\u00ea diki\u015f\u00eene ku \u015fervan\u00ean kom\u00ean Ereb li dij\u00ee w\u00ea yek\u00ea ne ku jin di nava \u015fer de cih bigirin.<\/p>\n
Eng\u00eezek wana weke \u201cpa\u015fver\u00fb bi nav dike \u00fb bal\u00ea diki\u015f\u00eene ser kom\u00ean weke El N\u00fbrsa y\u00ean li ser xeta El Qa\u00eedey\u00ea. \u015eervana Kurd Eng\u00eezek dib\u00eaje: \u201cEm naxwazin bi wan kes\u00ean ku maf\u00ean jinan nas nakin re hevkariy\u00ea bikin \u00fb didom\u00eene: \u201cEm weke tevger v\u00ea yek\u00ea qeb\u00fbl nakin. Ez weke jinek\u00ea v\u00ea yek\u00ea qeb\u00fbl nakim. <\/p>\n
Tutuklu gazetecilerden mahkemeye bas\u0131n dersi – ANF<\/p>\n
\u00a0
K\u00fcrt\u00e7e haz\u0131rlad\u0131klar\u0131 ortak savunmalar\u0131n\u0131 mahkemeye sunmaya ba\u015flayan K\u00fcrt bas\u0131n kurumlar\u0131nda \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan gazeteciler, savunmalar\u0131na katledilen K\u00fcrt bilgesi Musa Anter’e at\u0131fta bulunarak ba\u015flad\u0131 ve “Siyasi soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131n tan\u0131\u011f\u0131, san\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve davac\u0131s\u0131y\u0131z” dedi.<\/p>\n
Bu davan\u0131n K\u00fcrt bas\u0131n\u0131n\u0131 mahkum etme davas\u0131 oldu\u011funu dile getiren gazeteciler, “Mesle\u011fimiz ve temsil etti\u011fimiz de\u011ferler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan hukuki savunma anlams\u0131z olacakt\u0131r” vurgusunu yapt\u0131. <\/p>\n
K\u00fcrt bas\u0131n kurumlar\u0131na 2011 y\u0131l\u0131nda yap\u0131lan bask\u0131nlar\u0131n ard\u0131ndan haklar\u0131nda dava a\u00e7\u0131lan 26’s\u0131 tutuklu 46 gazetecinin yarg\u0131land\u0131\u011f\u0131 davan\u0131n 4’\u00fcnc\u00fc duru\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n ilk oturumu Silivri Cezaevi Yerle\u015fkesi’nde bulunan \u0130stanbul 15. A\u011f\u0131r Ceza Mahkemesi’nde gazetecilerin savunmas\u0131yla devam etti. 26 tutuklu ve 12 tutuksuz san\u0131\u011f\u0131n kat\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 duru\u015fmada, K\u00fcrt\u00e7e kimlik tespiti yap\u0131ld\u0131. K\u00fcrt\u00e7enin Kurmanc\u00ee leh\u00e7esinde \u00e7eviri yapacak iki terc\u00fcman\u0131n haz\u0131r bulundu\u011fu duru\u015fma salonunda, Dimilk\u00ee terc\u00fcman\u0131 olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in bu leh\u00e7ede savunmalar\u0131n\u0131 vermek isteyenlere terc\u00fcman\u0131n di\u011fer celsede haz\u0131r edilmesi ile s\u00f6z verilece\u011fi karar\u0131 verildi.<\/p>\n
Terc\u00fcman e\u015fli\u011finde yap\u0131lan kimlik tespitlerinin ard\u0131ndan yarg\u0131lanan gazeteciler ad\u0131na gazetecilerin ortak haz\u0131rlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 savunmay\u0131 tutuklu gazeteci Ertu\u015f Bozkurt, Kurmanc\u00ee olarak yapt\u0131. Bozkurt savunmas\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131nda katledilen K\u00fcrt bilge Musa Anter’e at\u0131fta bulunarak, “Siyasi soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131n tan\u0131\u011f\u0131, san\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve davac\u0131s\u0131y\u0131z” diyerek ba\u015flad\u0131. 22 Nisan K\u00fcrt Gazeteciler G\u00fcn\u00fc’n\u00fcn 115’inci y\u0131ld\u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fcnde yarg\u0131land\u0131klar\u0131na vurgu yapan Bozkurt, “Bug\u00fcn \u015fahs\u0131nda K\u00fcrt gazetecili\u011fine katk\u0131 sunan, bu u\u011furda emek ve bedel \u00f6deyen herkese sonsuz \u015f\u00fckranlar\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 ileterek s\u00f6zlerimize ba\u015fl\u0131yoruz” dedi. “Her \u015feyin anormal oldu\u011fu yerde normal olan da anormal g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr” diye devam eden Bozkurt, “Say\u0131n yarg\u0131\u00e7lar, ilk bak\u0131\u015fta bize \u00e7ok da anlaml\u0131 gelmeyen bu t\u00fcr s\u00f6ylemler bazen mevcut durumu iyi izah eder. Bu vesileyle bug\u00fcn burada yarg\u0131lanan kim, yarg\u0131layan kim, herhalde bunun karar\u0131n\u0131 tarih verecek ve bu hakikat tarih sayfalar\u0131nda yerini alacak” dedi.<\/p>\n
\u2018HUKUK\u0130 SAVUNMA ANLAMSIZ OLACAKTIR\u2019<\/p>\n
Hen\u00fcz savunman\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131ndayken hukuki bir savunma yapmayacaklar\u0131n\u0131 ifade eden Bozkurt, “Bu anlams\u0131z, haks\u0131z, hukuk d\u0131\u015f\u0131 su\u00e7lama kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda savunma yapmam\u0131z hem mesle\u011fimiz ve temsil etti\u011fimiz de\u011ferler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan hem de hakikate olan ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z nedeniyle anlams\u0131z olacakt\u0131r. Kald\u0131 ki bizi siyasi yakla\u015f\u0131m ve kararlarla yarg\u0131layanlar herhalde bizden hukuki bir savunma da beklemiyorlard\u0131r” diye belirtti. Bu davan\u0131n AKP iktidar\u0131n\u0131n siyasi kararlar\u0131, toplumsal m\u00fchendislik projeleri ve topyekun K\u00fcrt muhalefetini tasfiye ama\u00e7l\u0131 bir stratejinin \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirten Bozkurt, “Bu ger\u00e7ek, en a\u00e7\u0131k ifadeyle Ba\u015fbakan Recep Tayyip Erdo\u011fan, yard\u0131mc\u0131s\u0131 Be\u015fir Atalay, \u0130\u00e7i\u015fleri eski Bakan\u0131 \u0130dris Naim \u015eahin’in kamuoyuna yap\u0131lan onlarca a\u00e7\u0131klamas\u0131nda yer alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r ve kamuoyu bizzat bunun tan\u0131\u011f\u0131d\u0131r. Sadece Be\u015fir Atalay’\u0131n, ‘KCK operasyonlar\u0131 Bakanlar Kurulu toplant\u0131s\u0131nda ‘entegre \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm projesi’ kapsam\u0131nda planlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r’ s\u00f6z\u00fc bile bu i\u015fin siyasi mahiyetini ortaya koymas\u0131 i\u00e7in yeterlidir. Bize y\u00f6nelik operasyon, bu siyasi kararla ba\u015flat\u0131ld\u0131 ve say\u0131n savc\u0131dan \u00f6nce siyasi mekanizma, baz\u0131 k\u00f6\u015fe yazarlar\u0131 bize kar\u015f\u0131 harekete ge\u00e7ti. O nedenle hakk\u0131m\u0131zda haz\u0131rlanan dosya y\u00fcr\u00fctmenin, siyasi karar al\u0131c\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n, medyan\u0131n bir kesiminin ve say\u0131n savc\u0131n\u0131n ortak yap\u0131m\u0131d\u0131r” dedi.<\/p>\n
\u2018BU DAVA K\u00dcRT BASININI MAHKUM ETME DAVASIDIR\u2019<\/p>\n
Savunmada, “H\u00fck\u00fcmetin kendisinin de \u015fu g\u00fcnlerde art\u0131k terk etti\u011fini ileri s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc siyasetin \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc olarak say\u0131n savc\u0131n\u0131n kaleme ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 senaryoya g\u00f6re hareket etmeyi kabul etmiyoruz” diyerek, mahkemeye kar\u015f\u0131 alacaklar\u0131 tutuma a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131k getiren Bozkurt, \u015funlar\u0131 dile getirdi: “Yapaca\u011f\u0131m\u0131z de\u011ferlendirmede evrensel hukuk ilkelerini, bas\u0131n, ifade ve d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc kriterlerini ve tarihsel hakl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 esas alaca\u011f\u0131z. Bu dava hangi a\u00e7\u0131dan de\u011ferlendirilirse de\u011ferlendirilsin, d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceyi ifade ve \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn yarg\u0131lanmas\u0131d\u0131r, bas\u0131n ve gazetecilik mesle\u011finin su\u00e7lanmas\u0131d\u0131r, en \u00f6nemlisi de K\u00fcrt \u00d6zg\u00fcr Bas\u0131n\u0131’n\u0131 topyekun mahkum etme giri\u015fimidir. Bu bizim al\u0131\u015f\u0131k oldu\u011fumuz, bildi\u011fimiz, ancak her seferinde akamete u\u011frayan bir iktidar al\u0131\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131d\u0131r. Bu tarihsel ger\u00e7ekli\u011fi ifade etmek i\u00e7in de say\u0131n savc\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan bilin\u00e7li bir \u015fekilde buland\u0131r\u0131lan suyu berrakla\u015ft\u0131rmam\u0131z gerekiyor.” \u0130ddianamede yer alan iddialara ili\u015fkin “Ak\u0131ld\u0131\u015f\u0131, bilimd\u0131\u015f\u0131, e\u015fyan\u0131n tabiat\u0131n\u0131 yads\u0131yan adeta var olmay\u0131 su\u00e7lama konusu yapan iddialara kar\u015f\u0131 ak\u0131lla, bilimle, mant\u0131k ve vicdanla, hak ve adaletle durman\u0131n zorlu\u011funun da bilincindeyiz” de\u011ferlendirmesi yapan Bozkurt, “Yine de sorumlulu\u011fumuzu yerine getirip bu su\u00e7lamalar\u0131n izlerini \u00e7e\u015fitli mecralarda aray\u0131p ve \u00f6ncelikle d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce, iktidar ili\u015fkilerine bir g\u00f6z atal\u0131m. \u0130ktidar\u0131n d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceyi kontrol etme ve bu ama\u00e7la d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce ve ifade \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcne y\u00f6nelik bask\u0131 ve y\u00f6nelimini anlayabilmek a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan tarihe k\u0131sa bir g\u00f6z atmak zorunday\u0131z” diyerek, tarih boyunca iktidarlar\u0131n d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceye el koyma ve sald\u0131rma giri\u015fimlerinden bahsetti. <\/p>\n
\u2018\u0130KT\u0130DAR EN \u00c7OK DA ORTADO\u011eU\u2019DA KEND\u0130NE \u0130LAH\u0130 G\u00dc\u00c7 ATFETMEKTE\u2019<\/p>\n
El K\u0131nd\u00ee, Farabi, El-R\u00e2zi gibi b\u00fcy\u00fck tasavvuf d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrleri, Sokrates gibi Yunan filozoflar\u0131ndan al\u0131nt\u0131lar yapan Bozkurt, \u015funlar\u0131 s\u00f6yledi: “Salt kendi d\u00f6nemlerindeki iktidarlardan farkl\u0131 \u015feyler s\u00f6yledikleri i\u00e7in bir\u00e7ok ki\u015fi bask\u0131ya maruz kalm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. T\u00fcm bu \u00f6rnekler ayn\u0131 zamanda bize d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenin ancak ve ancak ele\u015ftirel olmas\u0131 ve var olan\u0131 sorgulamas\u0131yla geli\u015febilece\u011fini g\u00f6stermektedir. Oysa iktidar en \u00e7ok da Ortado\u011fu’da kendisine ilahi bir g\u00fc\u00e7 atfetmektedir, kutsiyet ve bu kutsiyet i\u00e7inde kendini her t\u00fcrl\u00fc ele\u015ftiriden muaf tutmakta, kendisinin sorgulanmas\u0131n\u0131 ise su\u00e7lar\u0131n en b\u00fcy\u00fck gerek\u00e7esi saymaktad\u0131r. Yoksa ‘Tanr\u0131’n\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n kan\u0131tlanmas\u0131na’ kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kan \u0130mam Gazali’nin bile bask\u0131ya u\u011framas\u0131n\u0131 ayn\u0131 oranda hakikati Mani gibi \u0131\u015f\u0131kta arayan \u015eahabettin S\u00fchreverdi’nin hem de b\u00fcy\u00fck \u0130slam komutan\u0131 Selahaddin Eyyubi taraf\u0131ndan ‘din kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131’ gerek\u00e7esiyle \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fclmesini nas\u0131l anlayabiliriz. Oysa bask\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceyi \u00f6ld\u00fcrm\u00fcyor, aksine b\u00fcy\u00fct\u00fcyor. 922 y\u0131l\u0131nda Hallac-\u0131 Mansur’un ‘En-el Hakk – Ben hakikatim’ s\u00f6z\u00fc y\u00fcz\u00fcnden derisini y\u00fczd\u00fcklerinde egemenler d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceyi \u00f6ld\u00fcrd\u00fcklerini san\u0131yorlard\u0131. Oysa ayn\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce bu kez \u0130slam d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcr\u00fc Fazlullah Estarabadi taraf\u0131ndan dile getirildi.”<\/p>\n
\u2018ANA AKIM MEDYA \u0130KT\u0130DARIN RIZA \u0130MAL MAK\u0130NES\u0130D\u0130R\u2019<\/p>\n
Bozkurt savunmada ana ak\u0131m medya \u00fczerine de\u011ferlendirmelerde bulunarak, iktidar-medya, iktidar-toplum ve medya ili\u015fkileri \u00fczerine sunumlarda bulundu. \u0130leti\u015fim bilimcilerden \u00f6rnekler veren Bozkurt, “Ana ak\u0131m medya iktidar\u0131n r\u0131za imal makinesidir” dedi ve iddia makam\u0131n\u0131n kendi gazetecilik faaliyetlerinin hepsini “anormal gazetecilik” olarak su\u00e7lamas\u0131n\u0131n da ana ak\u0131m medyadan ayr\u0131 bir gazetecili\u011fi yapmalar\u0131ndan kaynakland\u0131\u011f\u0131na i\u015faret etti. <\/p>\n
Mc Luhan’\u0131n “Medya Denetimi”, Frankfurt Okulu’nun “K\u00fclt\u00fcr End\u00fcstrisi K\u00fclt\u00fcrel Manip\u00fclasyon” ve “\u0130leti\u015fimsel Eylem Kuram\u0131”, Noam Chomsky’nin “Medya Denetimi” gibi tezlerin alternatif ve muhalif medyan\u0131n demokrasi, hak ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fcklerinin \u00e7eli\u015fmesi ve korunmas\u0131 i\u00e7in gereklili\u011fine vurgu yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirten Bozkurt, bu kuramlar ekseninde yay\u0131n ilke ve ahlak\u0131n\u0131 temel hatlar\u0131 ile \u015f\u00f6yle s\u0131ralad\u0131:<\/p>\n
1- Alternatif medya hegemon olmayan medyad\u0131r. Kendini iktidar\u0131n uza\u011f\u0131nda konumland\u0131r\u0131r.
2- Alternatif medya toplumu sorgulay\u0131c\u0131 fikir ve g\u00f6r\u00fcnt\u00fclere yer verir. Sessiz olana ses verir. ‘Yok’ say\u0131lan\u0131n da var oldu\u011funu kan\u0131tlamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131r.
3- Alternatif medyay\u0131, egemen ana ak\u0131m medyadan ay\u0131ran en \u00f6nemli \u00f6zelli\u011fi ‘kar’ ama\u00e7lamamas\u0131 ve iktidar yanl\u0131s\u0131 olmamas\u0131d\u0131r.
4- Alternatif medya kurulu d\u00fczenin negatif bilgisini, yani onun duyulmas\u0131n\u0131 istemedi\u011fi bilgiyi yayar.
5- Alternatif medya, ana ak\u0131m\u0131n basmakal\u0131p, eril zihniyetinin yerine etkin duyarl\u0131l\u0131k yaratmay\u0131, ana ak\u0131m\u0131n topluma sunmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131, ‘verili toplumsal hakikate’ kar\u015f\u0131 etkili ortakl\u0131k alanlar\u0131 sunar.
6- Alternatif medya hakikati tan\u0131mlama ve yetkisini elinde bulundurma yetkisini elinde bulunduran iktidara kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadele alan\u0131n\u0131 temsil eder.
7- Alternatif medya, b\u00fcy\u00fck de\u011ferler verdi\u011fi ve sayg\u0131 duydu\u011fu ‘ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k’, ‘ele\u015ftiri hakk\u0131’, ‘kurulu d\u00fczenin reddi’ ve ‘do\u011fal \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckleri’ gibi de\u011ferleri y\u00fcceltir, korur ve bu u\u011furda m\u00fccadele eder.<\/p>\n
Bozkurt, 28 sayfa olarak haz\u0131rlanan ortak savunman\u0131n 10’uncu sayfas\u0131na kadar\u0131n\u0131 sunabildi. Ard\u0131ndan duru\u015fmaya ara veren mahkeme heyeti, resmi tatil oldu\u011fundan dolay\u0131 yar\u0131n duru\u015fman\u0131n g\u00f6r\u00fclmeyece\u011fini belirterek, duru\u015fmay\u0131 24 Nisan \u00c7ar\u015famba g\u00fcn\u00fcne erteledi.<\/p>\n
<\/p>\n
Amadekariya perwerdehiya Kurd\u00ee \u2013 Yeni \u00d6zg\u00fcr Politika<\/p>\n
Kurd bi hem\u00fb away\u00ee li hember\u00ee pol\u00eet\u00eekay\u00ean pi\u015faftin\u00ea y\u00ean li ser ziman\u00ea Kurd\u00ee p\u00eak t\u00ean dert\u00ean. Li gel p\u00eavajoya ji aliy\u00ea R\u00eaber\u00ea Gel\u00ea Kurd Abdullah Ocalan ve hate destp\u00eakirin j\u00ee, h\u00een j\u00ee p\u00ea\u015fiya ziman\u00ea Kurd\u00ee bi awayek\u00ee a\u015fkere veneb\u00fbye \u00fb nay\u00ea qebulkirin \u00fb h\u00een j\u00ee qedexe ye.<\/p>\n
Ji bo astengiy\u00ea li p\u00ea\u015fber\u00ee Kurd\u00ee b\u00ean vekirin, li seranser\u00ee herem\u00ea \u00fb Tirkiy\u00ea Komeleya P\u00ea\u015fxistin \u00fb L\u00eakol\u00eena Ziman\u00ea Kurd\u00ee (KURD\u00ce-DER) di nava hewldanan de ne. Yek ji van \u015fax\u00ean KURD\u00ce-DER\u2019\u00ea j\u00ee ya \u00calih\u00ea ye. Li gel hem\u00fb asteng\u00ee \u00fb \u00ear\u00ee\u015f\u00ean li ser KURD\u00ce-DER\u2019\u00ea d\u00eesa hi\u015fmend\u00ee \u00fb r\u00eaxistina xwe xurt dike. \u015eax\u00ean KURD\u00ce-DER \u00fb Eg\u00eet\u00eem Sen\u00ea y\u00ean \u00calih\u00ea xebatek n\u00fb dan destp\u00eakirin. Di p\u00ea\u015fengiya KURD\u00ce-DER\u2019\u00ea de Eg\u00eet\u00eem Sen’\u00ea de qurs\u00ean perwerdehiy\u00ea hatin vekirin. Li Eg\u00eet\u00eem Sen’\u00ea qursa ziman hate destp\u00eakirin. Qursa li Eg\u00eet\u00eem sen\u00ea ji bo mamostey\u00ean an j\u00ee karmend\u00ean gir\u00eaday\u00ee Eg\u00eet\u00eem Sen’\u00ea dibe al\u00eekeriyek mezin. Li vir asta yekem\u00een \u00fb asta duyem\u00een hatin vekirin. Li vir bi dehan mamosteyan dest bi perwerdehiya kursa ziman\u00ea Kurd\u00ee kirin. Mamoste \u00fb xwendekar ji bo ziman\u00ea xwe li p\u00ea\u015f bixin \u00fb astengiya ji ser ziman rakin axiv\u00een.<\/p>\n
R\u00eaveber\u00ea Eg\u00eet\u00eem Sen\u00ea Firat Urun, diyar kir ku armanca wan ew e ku ji ber endam\u00ea wan z\u00eade ne \u00fb y\u00ean bi Kurd\u00ee nizanin b\u00ean li qurs\u00ea xwe f\u00ear\u00ee Kurd\u00ee bikin. Urun, da zan\u00een ku ji ber dema van mamosteyan \u00fb qurs\u00ean li KURD\u00ce-DER\u2019\u00ea hev nagirin \u00fb ji ber v\u00ea yek\u00ea wan li saziya xwe Eg\u00eet\u00eem Sen\u00ea dest bi xebatek wisa kiriye. Urun, an\u00ee ziman ku ji pola desp\u00eak \u00fb heta pola duyem\u00een ders\u00ea wan hene \u00fb xwest ne ten\u00ea ev kes\u00ea hatine vir ders\u00ea dib\u00eenin ew dixwazin hem\u00fb endam \u00fb mamostey\u00ean wan b\u00ean li cem wan f\u00ear\u00ee ziman\u00ea Kurd\u00ee bibin. Urun, destn\u00ee\u015fan kir ku ji ber hinek endam\u00ea wan bi Kurd\u00ee nizanin ev der ji bo wan cihek avantaj\u00ee ye \u00fb xwest heval \u00fb endam\u00ea wan \u00ean Tirk f\u00ear\u00ee ziman\u00ea wan bibin. Urun, got ku ew beriya her ti\u015ft\u00ee ji bo ziman\u00ea Kurd\u00ee kovar\u00ean Kurd\u00ee, h\u00eenker \u00fb rojnameya azadiya welat esasa digirin.<\/p>\n
Jiyana bi Kurd\u00ee<\/p>\n
Mamostey\u00ea pol\u00ea Az\u00eez Turya j\u00ee da zan\u00een ku ji ber ziman\u00ea Kurd\u00ee ziman\u00ea wan \u00ea dayik\u00ea y\u00ea \u00fb ji bo gel gir\u00eenge v\u00ea qurs\u00ea dane destp\u00eakirin \u00fb ji bo ew baldariya ziman\u00ea xwe li p\u00ea\u015f bixin ketine nav hewldanek wisa. Turay, an\u00ee ziman ku gelek heval\u00ea wan \u00fb endam\u00ea wan ji aliy\u00ea ziman\u00ea Kurd\u00ee ve li pa\u015f mane \u00fb wiha got: \u201cEm dixwazin heval\u00ean me li pa\u015f mane bi qursa ziman\u00ea \u015f\u00ear\u00een li p\u00ea\u015f bikevin. B\u00eaguman ev armanca me ne ten\u00ea bila f\u00ear bibin, bila hem\u00fb jiyana xwe bikin Kurd\u00ee. Turay, diyar kir ku ziman di civak\u00ea de gelek cihek gir\u00eeng digire \u00fb got ji ber v\u00ea yek\u00ea p\u00eaw\u00eeste her kes zarok\u00ean xwe ji bo ziman\u00ea Kurd\u00ee t\u00eabig\u00eehin \u00fb f\u00ear\u00ee wan bikin. Turay, destn\u00ee\u015fan kir ku cih\u00ea ew l\u00ea mamostevaniy\u00ea dikin hem\u00fb Kurdin \u00fb wiha got: \u201cDiv\u00ea ku em hem\u00fb mamoste ziman\u00ea hem\u00fb zarokan \u00ea Kurd\u00ee dizanibin. Dema em ziman f\u00ear\u00ee zarok\u00ea xwe nekin, ew j\u00ee ne\u00e7ar dim\u00eenin pa\u015f\u00ea f\u00ear\u00ee ziman\u00ea xwe dibin. Turay, da zan\u00een ku ji ber p\u00eavajoya hatiye destp\u00eakirin ba\u015f bidome p\u00eaw\u00eeste ew bi b\u00eatir ziman\u00ea xwe hi\u015fmendiya w\u00ea mezin bikin \u00fb ji bo gelna bidin qebulkirin.<\/p>\n
Ji bo p\u00ea\u015fketina Kurd\u00ee<\/p>\n
Xwendekara jin Hem\u00eede Oncu Dem\u00eer, diyar kir ku ji bo ew ziman\u00ea xwe dayik\u00ea ba\u015f h\u00een bibe hatiye dest bi qurs\u00ea kiriye \u00fb an\u00ee ziman ku ji ber Kurdiya wan b\u00eatir Tirk\u00ee di nav de ye ew dixwaze ji viya xelas bibe. Oncu Dem\u00eer, destn\u00ee\u015fan kir ku ji bo p\u00ea\u015feroj\u00ea ji malbata xwe re bibe al\u00eekar \u00fb wan j\u00ee ji ziman\u00ea din xelas bike ser\u00ee li r\u00eabaz\u00ea qurs\u00ea daye \u00fb got ji bo malbata w\u00ea Kurdiya xwe n\u00fbjen li p\u00ea\u015f bixe t\u00ea vir. Oncu Dem\u00eer, bal ki\u015fand ser parastina \u00ear\u00ee\u015f\u00ean li ser Kurd\u00ee \u00fb wiha got: \u201cEz \u00ea di nav hevalan, malbat \u00fb pi\u015ft\u00ee ez bibim dayik j\u00ee ez \u00ea v\u00ee ziman\u00ee ji xeletiyan bi par\u00eazim. Ez \u00ea di nav gel de b\u00eatir ji bo p\u00ea\u015fketina Kurd\u00ee, xebata hi\u015fmendiy\u00ea bikim.
Xwendekara jin a bi nav\u00ea S\u00eedar \u015eah\u00een j\u00ee diyar kir ku ew pir ba\u015f bi Kurd\u00ee dizane \u00fb di nav malbata xwe de j\u00ee her k\u00eal\u00ee bi Kurd\u00ee di axive. \u015eah\u00een, armanca xwe ya tevl\u00ee qurs\u00ea b\u00fbye wiha vegot: \u201cDi r\u00eazimaniya Kurd\u00ee de gelek k\u00eamasiy\u00ean min hene. Dixwazim ev k\u00eamas\u00ee bi tevl\u00eeb\u00fbna qurs\u00ea ji hol\u00ea rakim. Ji bo sib\u00ea roj li dibistanan dikaribim Kurd\u00ee f\u00ear\u00ee zarokan bikim. Ez niha ji ders\u00ean hilb\u00eajir ne memnun im. Bi ziman\u00ea dayik\u00ea y\u00ea zikmak\u00ee niha tu derfet nedane n\u00ee\u015fandan. L\u00ea div\u00ea p\u00ea\u015feroj\u00ea ev b\u00ea qebulkirin \u00fb ji niha ve dixwazim xwe amade bikim.
\u015eah\u00een, destn\u00ee\u015fan kir ku heta w\u00ea zan\u00eengeh xelas kiriye j\u00ee hem\u00fb xeyal, raman \u00fb jiyana w\u00ea bi Kurd\u00ee b\u00fbye \u00fb da zan\u00een ku ew pi\u015ft\u00ee zan\u00eengeh\u00ea b\u00fbye per\u00e7eyek pergal\u00ea \u00fb got ji ber v\u00ea yek\u00ea hem\u00fb xeyal, fikir \u00fb raman \u00ea w\u00ea b\u00fbne Tirk\u00ee. \u015eah\u00een, an\u00ee ziman ku ew rexnegeriya xwe dide \u00fb got ew ji niha \u015f\u00fbn ve dixwaze cih\u00ea van k\u00eamasiyan tije \u00fb bike \u00fb serbikeve.\u00a0 <\/p>\n
<\/p>\n
Devleti \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcme zorluyoruz \u2013 Yeni \u00d6zg\u00fcr Politika<\/p>\n
KCK Y\u00fcr\u00fctme Konseyi \u00dcyesi Mustafa Karasu, \u201cBiz AKP\u2019nin \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm politikas\u0131 oldu\u011funa inanarak bu i\u015fin i\u00e7ine girmiyoruz. Demokratik siyaset s\u00fcrecine sokarak AKP\u2019yi ve devleti bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcme zorlayaca\u011f\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyoruz dedi.<\/p>\n
KCK Y\u00fcr\u00fctme Konseyi \u00dcyesi Mustafa Karasu, her zaman K\u00fcrt sorununun siyasal demokratik \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcne haz\u0131r olduklar\u0131n\u0131 hat\u0131rlatarak, ge\u00e7mi\u015f d\u00f6nemlerde T\u00fcrk devletinin zihniyetinin buna haz\u0131r olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yledi. Karasu, “Biz kesinlikle \u00d6nder Apo’nun ortaya koydu\u011fu projeye ba\u011fl\u0131y\u0131z. Bu \u00e7er\u00e7evede de AKP’nin ad\u0131m atmas\u0131n\u0131 istiyoruz. Herkesten, b\u00fct\u00fcn demokrasi g\u00fc\u00e7lerinden, b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00e7evrelerden de AKP’nin ad\u0131m atmas\u0131 i\u00e7in demokratik duru\u015flar\u0131n\u0131, tutumlar\u0131n\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc ortaya koymalar\u0131n\u0131 istiyoruz” dedi.
KCK Y\u00fcr\u00fctme Konseyi \u00dcyesi Mustafa Karasu, sorular\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 yan\u0131tlad\u0131.<\/p>\n
1984 y\u0131l\u0131nda ba\u015flayan silahl\u0131 m\u00fccadeleden sonra 1993’te ilk ate\u015fkesi ilan ettiniz. \u0130\u00e7 ve d\u0131\u015f ko\u015fullar sorunun demokratik \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcne ne kadar haz\u0131rd\u0131?<\/p>\n
\u00d6nder Apo, 1988’de M. Ali Birand ile yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir r\u00f6portajda a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a \u015funu s\u00f6yl\u00fcyordu: ‘T\u00fcrk devleti bir memuru bile olsa g\u00f6ndersin, g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015felim’. Yani bu sorunlar\u0131 tart\u0131\u015fal\u0131m diyerek kendisinin \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmden yana oldu\u011funu ortaya koyuyordu. Daha o zaman s\u0131n\u0131rlara dokunmadan da K\u00fcrt sorununun belirli bir demokratikle\u015fme temelinde \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclebilece\u011fini belirtmi\u015fti. Bu r\u00f6portajdan sonra bir\u00e7ok gazeteci gelip \u00d6nder Apo ile g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. \u00d6nder Apo b\u00fct\u00fcn bu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmelerde K\u00fcrt sorununun makul demokratik \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc istiyordu. Bu y\u00f6n\u00fcyle 93’ten \u00f6nce de defalarca \u00d6nder Apo’nun \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131lar\u0131 vard\u0131 fakat o g\u00fcne kadar bu \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131lara cevap bulamam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Bir de ilk d\u00f6nemlerde bu hareketi kimse ciddiye alm\u0131yordu. Ama 90’larda serh\u0131ldanlar geli\u015fip sava\u015f b\u00fcy\u00fcy\u00fcnce art\u0131k T\u00fcrkiye’de K\u00fcrt sorunu ilk defa bir\u00e7ok boyutuyla tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131ld\u0131, tart\u0131\u015fmalar boyutland\u0131. \u00d6yle ki bas\u0131nda K\u00fcrt sorununun demokratik temelde \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmesi ve K\u00fcrtlerin haklar\u0131n\u0131n verilmesi gerekti\u011fi konusunda bir\u00e7ok d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce ortaya at\u0131ld\u0131. Bunu dile getirenlere ‘ver- kurtulcular’ gibi isimler tak\u0131ld\u0131. Biraz \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmden yana olanlar b\u00f6yle de\u011ferlendirildi.
1990\u2019l\u0131 y\u0131llar\u0131n ba\u015flar\u0131 serh\u0131ldanlar\u0131n ve gerilla m\u00fccadelesinin olduk\u00e7a geli\u015fti\u011fi, T\u00fcrkiye devletinin zorland\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve K\u00fcrt sorunuyla ilgili tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n yo\u011funla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir d\u00f6nemdi. \u0130ktidarda olan ANAP ekonomiyi canland\u0131rmak, T\u00fcrkiye’yi siyasal olarak b\u00f6lgede etkin k\u0131lmak istiyordu. \u00d6zal pragmatik bir ki\u015fiydi. K\u00fcrt sorununun k\u0131sa s\u00fcrede \u00e7ok h\u0131zl\u0131 geli\u015fmesinin T\u00fcrkiye’yi ciddi s\u0131k\u0131nt\u0131larla kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya getirece\u011fini g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. Bu y\u00fczden Cengiz \u00c7andar, Talabani ve ba\u015fka arac\u0131lar yoluyla \u00d6nder Apo’ya, ‘bir yumu\u015fama yaratal\u0131m, ate\u015fkes yapal\u0131m, bir \u015feyler olabilir,’ bi\u00e7iminde mesajlar g\u00f6ndermi\u015fti. M\u00fccadelenin geldi\u011fi d\u00fczey, T\u00fcrk devletini zorluyordu. T\u00fcrk devleti s\u0131k\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Hem de K\u00fcrt sorunu \u00f6nemli d\u00fczeyde tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131. \u00d6nder Apo, e\u011fer bir demokratik \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm olursa, o temelde K\u00fcrt sorununda bir ad\u0131m at\u0131labilir, bir ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7 yap\u0131labilir ve bu bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcme do\u011fru gidebilir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesindeydi. \u00d6zal’\u0131n bu yakla\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131na, arabulucular\u0131n giri\u015fimlerine tutarl\u0131 ve ciddi bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm e\u011filimi g\u00f6stererek ate\u015fkes ilan etme karar\u0131 ald\u0131.
\u00d6nder Apo ate\u015fkes ilan etmeden \u00f6nce hareketin y\u00f6netiminin g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerini de ald\u0131. B\u00f6yle bir \u015fey d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyoruz, ne diyorsunuz diye sordu. Biz uygun olaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yledik. O zaman Avrupa’ya yeni gitmi\u015ftim. \u0130ki ay \u00f6ncesinde de \u00d6nderlik sahas\u0131ndayd\u0131m. \u00d6nderlik “\u00d6zal ne yapmak istiyor?” diye tart\u0131\u015f\u0131yordu. Hatta bir s\u00fcre \u00f6nce biz cezaevinden serbest b\u0131rak\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131k, ‘sizi niye b\u0131rakt\u0131lar, acaba bir yumu\u015fama belirtisi midir?’ gibi de\u011ferlendirmeler de yap\u0131yordu. Bu ortamda \u00d6nder Apo b\u00fct\u00fcn arkada\u015flar\u0131n, gerilla komutanlar\u0131n\u0131n g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerini de alarak 17 Mart’ta tek tarafl\u0131 ate\u015fkes ilan etti.<\/p>\n
Her t\u00fcrl\u00fc \u00f6zel sava\u015f\u0131n y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcc\u00fcs\u00fc olan \u00d6zal\u2019\u0131n K\u00fcrt sorunundaki alg\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 de\u011fi\u015ftiren ger\u00e7eklik neydi?<\/p>\n
\u00d6zal, Demirel H\u00fck\u00fcmeti d\u00f6neminde de \u00f6nemli bir yetkiliydi. 24 Ocak Kararlar\u0131’n\u0131n mimar\u0131yd\u0131. T\u00fcrkiye tarihinde fa\u015fizmi, zulm\u00fc temsil eden 12 Eyl\u00fcl d\u00f6neminde de ekonomiden sorumlu Ba\u015fbakan Yard\u0131mc\u0131s\u0131’yd\u0131. Bu a\u00e7\u0131dan siyasal zihniyeti, 12 Eyl\u00fclc\u00fclerin zihniyetinden \u00e7ok farkl\u0131 de\u011fildi. Fakat ekonomist, pragmatik ve biraz da ABD’de kalm\u0131\u015f bir ki\u015filik oldu\u011fundan dolay\u0131 klasik devlet politikalar\u0131na yak\u0131n olsa da, bundan \u00e7abuk esneyebilecek bir karakter ta\u015f\u0131yordu. 15 A\u011fustos At\u0131l\u0131m\u0131 oldu\u011fu zaman ilk ba\u015flarda PKK’yi ciddiye almam\u0131\u015f, kendine g\u00f6re o da ‘\u00fc\u00e7-be\u015f \u00e7apul\u00e7u’ bi\u00e7iminde de\u011ferlendirme yapm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Daha sonra sava\u015f geli\u015fince, ilk \u00f6zel sava\u015f\u0131 uygulayan, \u00f6zel kuvvetleri kuran, koruculu\u011fu ba\u015flatan \u00d6zal oldu. Niye? B\u00fct\u00fcn d\u00fcnyada, ABD’de, ba\u015fka yerlerde \u00e7\u0131kan gerilla hareketleri \u00f6zel ordularla, \u00f6zel kuvvetlerle ezilmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131l\u0131yordu. \u00d6zal’\u0131n hemen akl\u0131na gelen, \u00f6zel kuvvet kurup K\u00fcrt \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck Hareketi’ni bununla ezmekti. OHAL ilan edildi, koruculuk sistemi, \u00f6zel ordu geli\u015ftirildi. Ama b\u00fct\u00fcn bunlar sonu\u00e7 almad\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi 90’l\u0131 y\u0131llarda serhildanlar geli\u015fti, gerilla b\u00fcy\u00fcd\u00fc. \u00d6zal’\u0131n d\u0131\u015f politikas\u0131 s\u0131k\u0131nt\u0131ya girmeye ba\u015flad\u0131. Kendince T\u00fcrkiye’deki belirli ekonomik s\u0131k\u0131nt\u0131lar\u0131 gidermeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yordu ve baz\u0131 ad\u0131mlar atm\u0131\u015ft\u0131 ama hareketimiz T\u00fcrk devletini b\u00fcy\u00fck ekonomik s\u0131k\u0131nt\u0131lara sokacak bir m\u00fccadele dayatm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. B\u00fct\u00fcn bunlar \u00d6zal’\u0131n d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce de\u011fi\u015ftirmesine neden oldu. Kendine g\u00f6re farkl\u0131 projeleri de vard\u0131. Asl\u0131nda 1. K\u00f6rfez Sava\u015f\u0131’ndan sonra G\u00fcney K\u00fcrdistan’\u0131 bir federasyonla T\u00fcrkiye’ye ba\u011flama gibi yakla\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131 da yans\u0131d\u0131. O zaman ordu buna kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. D\u00f6nemin Genelkurmay Ba\u015fkan\u0131 Necip Torumtay istifa etti. Bu y\u00f6n\u00fcyle d\u0131\u015f politikada geleneksel, i\u00e7e kapanmac\u0131 devlet anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n d\u0131\u015f\u0131na \u00e7\u0131karak biraz daha y\u00f6n\u00fc, ufku, vizyonu d\u0131\u015fa d\u00f6n\u00fck bir siyasi ki\u015filikti. K\u00fcrt sorununu \u00e7\u00f6zerse, hem i\u00e7erde hem d\u0131\u015far\u0131da \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fcn a\u00e7\u0131labilece\u011fini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyordu. Bu nedenle \u00f6zel kuvvetlerle sava\u015f\u0131 geli\u015ftirmek isteyen, koruculu\u011fu, \u00f6zel sava\u015f\u0131 ilk \u015fekillendiren \u00d6zal, 1993’e gelindi\u011finde, eski y\u00f6ntemlerle K\u00fcrt sorununun ezilemeyeci\u011fini g\u00f6rd\u00fc. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc dirili\u015f ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmi\u015f, k\u00fcrt halk\u0131 aya\u011fa kalkm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. O zaman y\u00f6ntem de\u011fi\u015ftirerek belirli konularda yumu\u015fama yaparak bu sorundan kurtulmay\u0131 hedefliyordu. \u00d6zal’\u0131n bu noktaya gelmesinin b\u00f6yle bir tarihsel s\u00fcreci oldu\u011funu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyorum.<\/p>\n
Ate\u015fkesin uzat\u0131lmas\u0131ndan 2 g\u00fcn sonra \u00d6zal\u2019\u0131n \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc nas\u0131l de\u011ferlendiriyorsunuz?<\/p>\n
Klasik T\u00fcrk devletinde b\u0131rakal\u0131m K\u00fcrt sorununu \u00e7\u00f6zmeyi, K\u00fcrtleri muhatap alma bile yoktur. Tabii, 17 Mart’taki ate\u015fkes de bir muhatap almayd\u0131. Bir nevi T\u00fcrk devleti ile K\u00fcrtlerin bir siyasal diyalog i\u00e7ine girmesi anlam\u0131na geliyordu. T\u00fcrkiye’deki mevcut klasik devlet zihniyetinin kesinlikle buna tahamm\u00fcl\u00fc yoktu. K\u00fcrd\u00fcn ad\u0131n\u0131n an\u0131lmas\u0131na bile taham\u00fcl\u00fc yoktu. Onlar tamamen K\u00fcrtleri T\u00fcrkle\u015ftirip K\u00fcrdistan’\u0131 T\u00fcrk ulusla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n yay\u0131lma alan\u0131 haline getirmek isteyen bir zihniyetin sahibiydiler. \u00d6zal’\u0131n bu yakla\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131yla birlikte devlet i\u00e7inde buna kar\u015f\u0131 bir \u00f6fke, bir tepki ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. Bunu sonradan daha iyi anl\u0131yoruz. Devlet i\u00e7inde ‘bu da nerden \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131? T\u00fcrkiye K\u00fcrtlerle b\u00f6yle bir ate\u015fkes s\u00fcrecine giremez, bunun laf\u0131 bile edilemez taktik olsa bile de\u011ferlendirilemez’ bi\u00e7iminde \u00e7ok kat\u0131 bir anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve derhal organize oldu\u011funu biliyoruz. Bir de 92 y\u0131l\u0131nda bir konsept belirlenmi\u015fti. \u00d6zal da bu konsepti biliyordu ama bu konseptle de bu sava\u015f\u0131n t\u00fcmden bitece\u011fine inanm\u0131yordu ya da akl\u0131na yatm\u0131yordu. O konsept neydi? 1992’de da\u011flarda alan hakimiyetini ama\u00e7layan ve \u015fehirlerde ‘faili me\u00e7hul’ cinayetler, bask\u0131, i\u015fkence yapan bir kirli sava\u015fla K\u00fcrt \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck Hareketi’ni ezme hedeflendiyordu. 93 ate\u015fkesi s\u0131ras\u0131nda b\u00f6yle bir konsept devredeydi. 92’de, Milli G\u00fcvenlik Kurulu’nda da PKK’nin mutlaka her t\u00fcrl\u00fc yol ve y\u00f6ntem kullan\u0131larak bast\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 y\u00f6n\u00fcnde karar al\u0131nm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. MGK d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda ayr\u0131ca derin devlet denen \u00e7ekirdek de zaten bu y\u00f6nl\u00fc karar alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Do\u011fan G\u00fcre\u015f, Mehmet A\u011far zaten ba\u015ftan beri kirli sava\u015f\u0131n merkezindeydiler. Daha sonra Tansu \u00c7iller de bu kirli sava\u015f ekibine dahil oldu. Daha \u00d6zal d\u00f6neminde bu kirli sava\u015f konsepti benimsenmi\u015fti. Hat\u0131rlan\u0131rsa ‘Hizbullah’\u0131n kullan\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 kontra cinayetleri 92’de ba\u015flam\u0131\u015f, 1993 y\u0131l\u0131nda da ‘faili me\u00e7hul’ cinayetler yo\u011funla\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ama \u00d6zal’\u0131n buna pek kafas\u0131 yatmad\u0131. Onun i\u00e7in farkl\u0131 bir yola girmek istedi. Bu da yeni kirli sava\u015f konseptini benimsemi\u015f derin devlet taraf\u0131ndan ihanet olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc. B\u00f6yle bir yumu\u015fama s\u00fcrecine girilince, bu i\u015f daha fazla uzamadan hemen tasfiye edilmesi karar\u0131 al\u0131nd\u0131. \u00d6zal’\u0131n \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fclmesi kesinlikle derin devletin karar\u0131d\u0131r. \u00d6zal\u2019\u0131n yakla\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131 T\u00fcrk devletinin 80-90 y\u0131ll\u0131k \u00e7izgisinden bir sapmay\u0131 ifade ediyordu. Bu sapmaya izin vermek istemediler. Bu nedenle ate\u015fkesin uzat\u0131lmas\u0131ndan hemen sonra \u00d6zal’\u0131 katlettiler.<\/p>\n
\u00d6zal\u2019\u0131n \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc \u00d6calan ve PKK nas\u0131l kar\u015f\u0131lad\u0131? \u201c\u00d6zal \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fc a\u00e7\u0131klamas\u0131 ilk olarak \u00d6calan taraf\u0131ndan dile getirildi. Neden b\u00f6yle bir kanaate varm\u0131\u015ft\u0131?<\/p>\n
\u015eunu kabul etmek laz\u0131m sava\u015fan g\u00fc\u00e7ler birbirlerini iyi tan\u0131rlar. Tarih boyunca m\u00fccadele i\u00e7indeki K\u00fcrtler, T\u00fcrkleri iyi tan\u0131d\u0131lar. Asl\u0131nda T\u00fcrkiye de K\u00fcrt \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck Hareketi’ni bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te iyi tan\u0131d\u0131. Bu y\u00f6n\u00fcyle \u00d6zal’\u0131n \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fclmesinden sonra \u00d6nder Apo’nun derhal ‘bu bir i\u00e7 infazd\u0131r, \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fc’ demesinin nedeni, T\u00fcrk devletini iyi tan\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131ndand\u0131r. T\u00fcrk devletinin K\u00fcrt ile bir diyalog i\u00e7ine girecek, biraz K\u00fcrt konusunda yumu\u015fayacak ki\u015filere taham\u00fcl edemeyece\u011fini \u00e7ok iyi bildi\u011findendir. T\u00fcrk devletinin K\u00fcrt inkarc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve K\u00fcrt d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n derinli\u011fini sava\u015f i\u00e7inde de yak\u0131ndan g\u00f6ren bir \u00d6nderlik ger\u00e7e\u011fi var. Sadece sava\u015f i\u00e7inde hisseden de de\u011fil, bizzat K\u00fcrtler \u00fczerindeki uygulamalardan \u00e7ok derinden hisseden bir \u00d6nderlik oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in bu ate\u015fkes ve yumu\u015fama s\u00fcrecini derin devletin kabul etmeyece\u011fini \u00f6nceden hissetmi\u015ftir. Hatta \u00d6zal haber g\u00f6nderip baz\u0131 \u015feyleri konu\u015ftu\u011funda \u00d6nderlik, “Bu \u00d6zal ger\u00e7ekten cesaretli midir? Yoksa bu T\u00fcrk devletini tan\u0131m\u0131yor mu?” gibi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelere sahip olmu\u015ftur. “\u00d6zal bunlar\u0131 nas\u0131l s\u00f6yl\u00fcyor?” diyordu. O d\u00f6nemde \u00d6zal’\u0131n b\u00f6yle bir yumu\u015fak d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce iletmesi, hatta gerekirse federasyon da olabilir gibisinden s\u00f6zler s\u00f6ylemesi ger\u00e7ekten de T\u00fcrk devletinin klasik politikas\u0131nda b\u00fcy\u00fck bir yar\u0131lmay\u0131, b\u00fcy\u00fck farkl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ifade ediyordu. Bu da \u00d6nder Apo’da ‘acaba ger\u00e7ekten \u00d6zal yapabilir mi, bu s\u00f6zleri bu devlet i\u00e7inde nas\u0131l s\u00f6yl\u00fcyor?’ bi\u00e7iminde ku\u015fkular yaratm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. \u00d6l\u00fcnce de “demek ki \u00d6zal fark\u0131nda de\u011fil, bu devleti tan\u0131m\u0131yor” diyerek bu \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn ‘devlet politikas\u0131ndan farkl\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnen, bir sapmay\u0131 ifade eden ki\u015finin bu devlet taraf\u0131ndan \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fclmesi’ oldu\u011funu ilk s\u00f6yleyen \u00d6nder Apo’dur. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc bu devleti, devletin K\u00fcrt politikas\u0131n\u0131 en iyi tan\u0131yan \u00d6nder Apo’dur.
92’den itibaren bir taraftan kirli sava\u015f s\u00fcr\u00fcyor, di\u011fer taraftan \u00d6zal’\u0131n yumu\u015fak s\u00f6ylem ve yakla\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131 var. A\u00e7\u0131ktan a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa \u00d6nderlik \u015funu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fc: “Bu \u00f6l\u00fcm, kirli sava\u015f\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131n \u00d6zal’\u0131 tasfiye etmesidir”. Yani o kirli sava\u015f kanad\u0131n\u0131n \u00d6zal’a “bu da nerden \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131, pi\u015fmi\u015f a\u015fa niye su kat\u0131yorsun? Biz bir tasfiye, yok etme karar\u0131 ald\u0131k, sen bu politikaya destek vermeyerek bu politikay\u0131 t\u00f6kezletecek yakla\u015f\u0131mlar g\u00f6steriyorsun” dediler ve \u00d6zal’\u0131 katlettiler. Onu katledenler bellidir. Kesinlikle o d\u00f6nemde TSK kademeleri i\u00e7indeki belirli generallerdir, yine K\u00f6\u015fk i\u00e7erisinde, \u00e7evresinde g\u00f6rev alan Ordu kesimleridir. Sadece askeri istihbarat de\u011fil, M\u0130T de bu i\u015fin i\u00e7inde olabilir. O d\u00f6nemin kirli sava\u015f ekibi taraf\u0131ndan \u00d6zal’\u0131n katledildi\u011fi kesindir. Bunu Demirel de, Mehmet A\u011far da, Do\u011fan G\u00fcre\u015f de bilmektedir. Nitekim o d\u00f6nemde bir tek \u00d6zal de\u011fil, E\u015fref Bitlis de \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fc. Bu kirli sava\u015f\u0131n i\u00e7inde olan ve sonradan d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi biraz farkl\u0131la\u015fan J\u0130TEM’ci Cem Ersever bile \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fc. Yine baz\u0131 albaylar, generaller \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fc. T\u00fcm bunlar, o d\u00f6nemde T\u00fcrk devleti ve ordusu i\u00e7inde \u00e7ok sert bir kirli sava\u015fla K\u00fcrt \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck Hareketi’ni bast\u0131rmak isteyen bir kanad\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kan\u0131tl\u0131yor. \u00d6zal’\u0131n \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fclmesi de bu kanad\u0131n yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 cinayetlerden biri olarak tarihe ge\u00e7mi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n
\u00d6zal\u2019\u0131n \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc ate\u015fkes s\u00fcrecini nas\u0131l etkiledi? Ondan sonra nas\u0131l bir s\u00fcre\u00e7 geli\u015fti?<\/p>\n
\u00d6zal\u2019\u0131n \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc ile birlikte bizde de, \u00d6nderlik’te de bir inan\u00e7s\u0131zl\u0131k geli\u015fmi\u015fti. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc K\u00fcrt sorununda belli ad\u0131m atmak isteyen bir Cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131’n\u0131n bu devlet taraf\u0131ndan \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fclmesi tabi ki ciddi bir durumdur. Cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131’n\u0131n bile K\u00fcrt sorununda yumu\u015fak bir s\u00f6z s\u00f6ylemesine m\u00fcsaade edilmeyen bir yerde bu sorun nas\u0131l \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclecek? Bu konuda tabi ki ate\u015fkes belli bir tehlikeye, ku\u015fkuya girmi\u015ftir. \u00d6nder Apo K\u00fcrt sorununun \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcne haz\u0131rd\u0131, b\u00f6yle bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm e\u011filimi, bu konuda kararl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 da vard\u0131.
Hareketimizde ‘acaba bu devlet ger\u00e7ekten de bu sorunu \u00e7\u00f6zer mi’ bi\u00e7iminde bir yakla\u015f\u0131m vard\u0131. \u00d6zal ya\u015farken de, daha bu i\u015f yeni geli\u015ftirilirken de belirli ku\u015fkular vard\u0131. Hepimiz \u00d6nderli\u011fin projesine destek verdik. Ama devletin politikalar\u0131n\u0131, \u00f6zel sava\u015f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcyorduk. \u00d6zal\u2019\u0131n \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc ile birlikte bizde bu ate\u015fkesin bundan sonra \u00e7ok fazla s\u00fcrmeyece\u011fi gibi bir e\u011filim ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. Olgular, olaylar bunu g\u00f6steriyordu. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc sadece \u00d6zal \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fclmedi ayn\u0131 s\u00fcre\u00e7te operasyonlar da s\u00fcr\u00fcyordu. \u015eurada burada gerillalar katlediliyordu. Gerillalar\u0131n katledildi\u011fi bir ortamda ate\u015fkesi s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmek de m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildi. Yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z ate\u015fkes biraz da \u00d6zal\u2019\u0131n giri\u015fimi, onun g\u00f6nderdi\u011fi arac\u0131lar sonucu ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmi\u015fti. Ama \u00d6zal’\u0131n \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcyle ortada muhataps\u0131z kalm\u0131\u015f bir ate\u015fkes vard\u0131. Devletin di\u011fer kesimleri \u00d6zal\u2019dan fakl\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyorlard\u0131. Bu y\u00f6n\u00fcyle \u00d6zal\u2019\u0131n \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fclmesinden sonra bizde de herkeste de ‘bu ate\u015fkes s\u00fcreci nas\u0131l olacak’ bi\u00e7iminde bir merak olu\u015fmu\u015ftu.<\/p>\n
33 asker olay\u0131 bunun sonucu muydu?<\/p>\n
O olaydan \u00f6nce bir\u00e7ok yerde gerillalar katlediliyordu. Bir\u00e7ok arkada\u015f\u0131m\u0131z \u015fehit d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. Bu durum gerillada, gerilla komutanlar\u0131nda belli bir tepkisellik yaratm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Bu s\u00fcrece inan\u00e7 belli d\u00fczeyde zay\u0131flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Biz o zaman Avrupa\u2019dayd\u0131k, bu katletmelere kar\u015f\u0131 toplumda da bir tepki vard\u0131. \u00d6yle anla\u015f\u0131l\u0131yor ki, T\u00fcrk devletinden \u00e7e\u015fitli \u00e7evreler bunu g\u00f6rd\u00fc. \u0130\u015fte bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te b\u00fcy\u00fck ihtimalle devletin bilin\u00e7li bir yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 da olabilir, askerler silahs\u0131z ve korumas\u0131z yola \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131l\u0131yor. \u015eemdin\u2019in provoke edilmesi de olabilir. \u015eemdin gerillalar\u0131n\u0131n tepkisini de biliyor. Bu tepkisel ortam\u0131 da de\u011ferlendirerek askerlerin \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fclmelerine karar veriyor. Asl\u0131nda \u00f6ld\u00fcrmeyebilirler, bir k\u0131sm\u0131n\u0131 esir de alabilirlerdi. Tabi ki bu olay \u00e7ok ku\u015fkuludur. Bir nevi \u00d6zal\u2019\u0131n \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fclmesinden sonraki ortamda geli\u015fen inan\u00e7s\u0131zl\u0131kla ate\u015fkesi bitirmeye y\u00f6nelik bir giri\u015fimdir. Bu i\u015f, sava\u015ftan ba\u015fka bir y\u00f6ntemle olmaz diyen o kirli sava\u015f\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131n, bir provokasyon bi\u00e7iminde bu askerleri bir yem olarak gerillan\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcne s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc konusunda ciddi ku\u015fkular var. 33 askerin \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc konusunda bu y\u00f6nl\u00fc ilk de\u011ferlendirmeler yapan da yine \u00d6nder Apo\u2019dur. \u015eimdi AKP’liler, onlar\u0131n kalem\u015forlar\u0131 ve Fethullah\u00e7\u0131lar ’33 asker olay\u0131 \u015f\u00f6yledir, b\u00f6yledir’ diyorlar. “\u00d6zal\u2019\u0131 katleden devlet bunu da yapar” d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinden yola \u00e7\u0131karak bu askerlerin yem olarak gerillalar\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcne g\u00f6nderildi\u011fini, \u015eemdin\u2019in de -bilin\u00e7li veya bilin\u00e7siz- bu provokasyona alet oldu\u011funu s\u00f6ylemi\u015ftir. Bu a\u00e7\u0131dan \u00d6nderli\u011fin bu ku\u015fkular\u0131n\u0131 akla yatk\u0131n g\u00f6rd\u00fck.
\u015eemdin sadece bu olayda de\u011fil, o d\u00f6nemde bir\u00e7ok y\u00f6nden devlet taraf\u0131ndan y\u00f6nlendirilmi\u015f ve bunun sonucu baz\u0131 eylemlere giri\u015fmi\u015ftir. Haber s\u0131zd\u0131rarak ya da \u00e7e\u015fitli istihbarat y\u00f6ntemleriyle devlet onu y\u00f6nlendirmi\u015ftir. \u015eemdin Amed\u2019deyken devletin belli d\u00fczeylerde y\u00f6nlendirmesiyle hareket etti, bu \u00e7er\u00e7evede ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirdi\u011fi eylemler vard\u0131r. Yani sadece bu 33 asker olay\u0131nda de\u011fil, belki ba\u015fka eylemlerde de b\u00f6yle \u00f6n\u00fcne yem olarak askerlerin at\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir ki\u015filiktir. Devletlerin bir\u00e7ok kirli oyunlar\u0131, \u00f6zel sava\u015f politikalar\u0131 vard\u0131r. \u015eemdin\u2019in bir y\u00f6n\u00fcyle de bas\u0131n taraf\u0131ndan pop\u00fcler edilmesi bununla ba\u011flant\u0131l\u0131d\u0131r. Belki de \u00f6rg\u00fct i\u00e7inde sorun \u00e7\u0131karacak bir ki\u015fi haline getirmek ama\u00e7l\u0131 planl\u0131 bir \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma da olabilir. Daha sonraki prati\u011fi g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcnce \u015eemdin\u2019in bu kadar pop\u00fcler edilmesi ku\u015fkusu g\u00fc\u00e7lenmi\u015ftir. S\u00f6ylendi\u011fi gibi \u00f6rg\u00fctte bir a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131, bir ki\u015fili\u011fi ve kimli\u011fi olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 halde onun bas\u0131nda bir nevi ikinci adam haline getirilmesi manidard\u0131r. \u00d6nderlik \u00e7ok \u00f6nceden ‘bu devlet K\u00fcrt \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck Hareketi’ne kar\u015f\u0131 bu kadar kirli y\u00f6ntem kullan\u0131p her t\u00fcrl\u00fc inkar ve imhay\u0131 ve her t\u00fcrl\u00fc karalama propagandas\u0131n\u0131 yaparken, neden bu \u015eemdin \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131l\u0131yor’ bi\u00e7iminde ku\u015fkular\u0131n\u0131 da dile getirtmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n
Ate\u015fkesi bitiren sadece \u00d6zal\u2019\u0131n \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc veya 33 asker olay\u0131 m\u0131yd\u0131? Ate\u015fkes neden devam ettirilemedi, neden kal\u0131c\u0131 bir bar\u0131\u015fa d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmedi?<\/p>\n
Ate\u015fkesin sonlanmas\u0131n\u0131n nedeni sadece 33 askerin \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc de\u011fildir. O sadece k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck bir vesile olabilir. Esas neden, devletin zihniyetidir. Yoksa \u015eemdin Bing\u00f6l’de 33 asker \u00f6ld\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015f, bundan dolay\u0131 bu ate\u015fkes sonu\u00e7lanm\u0131\u015f ve \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm olmam\u0131\u015f gibi bir yakla\u015f\u0131m yetersizdir. E\u011fer devlette ve siyasette bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm iradesi olsayd\u0131, 33 asker olay\u0131 da a\u015f\u0131labilirdi. Kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm iradesi olsayd\u0131 rahatl\u0131kla a\u015f\u0131labilirdi. Devlette zaten b\u00f6yle bir irade yoktu. Ya da 33 asker provokasyonunu yapan zaten b\u00f6yle bir iradedir. Bu y\u00f6n\u00fcyle ate\u015fkesi sona erdiren esas etken, T\u00fcrk devletinin haz\u0131r olmamas\u0131d\u0131r. \u00d6nderlik de, ‘acaba baz\u0131 \u015feyler olabilir miydi’ diye de\u011ferlendirmeler yapm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ama o sadece bir ihtimaldir. O g\u00fcnden bug\u00fcne b\u00fct\u00fcn geli\u015fmeler dikkate al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131nda devletin haz\u0131r olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00e7ok a\u00e7\u0131k g\u00f6r\u00fclecektir. Bug\u00fcn bile haz\u0131r de\u011fil. O g\u00fcn haz\u0131r oldu\u011funu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmek kesinlikle do\u011fru de\u011fildir. 1993 y\u0131l\u0131nda bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcme gitmek ger\u00e7ekten de kolay de\u011fildi. \u00c7ok g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir irade olmas\u0131 gerekiyordu. Bizim de eksikli\u011fimiz olabilir. Belki biz daha fazla te\u015fvik edici ve ortam\u0131 daha iyi haz\u0131rlayan olabilirdik. Ama biz ne kadar do\u011fru yakla\u015fsak da ortam ve atmosfer farkl\u0131yd\u0131. Mesela bug\u00fcnk\u00fc gibi \u00e7ok yumu\u015fak yakla\u015f\u0131mlar g\u00f6stererek 17 Mart 1993’te ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilen ate\u015fkes s\u00fcrecini ba\u015far\u0131ya g\u00f6t\u00fcrmek, sonu\u00e7 almak kesinlikle o d\u00f6nemde m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildi. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin i\u00e7 ko\u015fullar\u0131 buna haz\u0131r de\u011fildi. Ordu halen ‘ben bu hareketi ezerim’ d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesindeydi. Bir de devlet yeni yeni kirli sava\u015fla kitleyi susturmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yordu, kendisini \u00f6rg\u00fctleyerek gerilla \u00fczerinde k\u0131smen etkili olmak istiyordu. B\u00f6yle yeni bir karar alm\u0131\u015f, yeni bir konsept haz\u0131rlam\u0131\u015f ve buna d\u00f6n\u00fck ad\u0131mlar at\u0131yordu. O sava\u015f\u0131n ve att\u0131\u011f\u0131 bu ad\u0131mlar\u0131n sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 belli olmadan, o d\u00f6nemde bu ate\u015fkesten sonu\u00e7 almak m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildi.<\/p>\n
96 y\u0131l\u0131nda b\u00f6lgesel g\u00fc\u00e7lerin blok halinde ittifak aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131 geli\u015fti. B\u00f6ylesi bir d\u00f6nemde Erbakan’\u0131n ba\u015fbakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131na onay verilmesinin K\u00fcrt sorunu ve PKK ile ba\u011flant\u0131s\u0131 neydi?<\/p>\n
Sovyetler Birli\u011fi da\u011f\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, ABD d\u00fcnyada b\u00fcy\u00fck bir g\u00fc\u00e7 haline gelmi\u015f. Fakat Ortado\u011fu’da Sovyetler’in da\u011f\u0131lmas\u0131ndan sonra olu\u015fan bo\u015fluk hala doldurulamam\u0131\u015f. 96 y\u0131l\u0131nda b\u00f6lgede b\u00f6yle bir ortam var. ABD Ortado\u011fu\u2019ya m\u00fcdahale etmek ve t\u00fcm\u00fcyle hakim olmak istiyor. Ama bunun kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda hala Rusya, \u00c7in ve Ortado\u011fu’daki baz\u0131 klasik iktidar engelleri var. O g\u00fcnk\u00fc Ortado\u011fu, ABD\u2019nin yeni projesinin, yani sermayenin g\u00fcvenli ve serbest dola\u015f\u0131m\u0131 bi\u00e7iminde ifade edilen Yeni D\u00fcnya D\u00fczeni’nin merkezi, omurilik so\u011fan\u0131 haline getirebilece\u011fi bir Ortado\u011fu de\u011fil. \u00d6n\u00fcnde uluslararas\u0131 ve b\u00f6lgesel bir\u00e7ok engel var. Bu a\u00e7\u0131dan o d\u00f6nemde ABD, b\u00f6lgede hakimiyetini geli\u015ftirmek a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan T\u00fcrk devletini kullanmak istiyor. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc T\u00fcrkiye NATO \u00fcyesidir. Dikkat edilirse Erbakan, \u0130slam\u0131n lideri, Siyonizm d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131 olarak \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kan birisidir. Ama ne gariptir ki, T\u00fcrkiye tarihinde \u0130srail\u2019le en b\u00fcy\u00fck anla\u015fmay\u0131 yapan Erbakan olmu\u015ftur. T\u00fcrkiye ile \u0130srail tarihinin en b\u00fcy\u00fck askeri, teknik ve siyasi anla\u015fmas\u0131 Erbakan d\u00f6neminde imzalanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bunu \u015funun i\u00e7in yapm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r: Hem T\u00fcrkiye, ABD\u2019nin b\u00f6lge politikalar\u0131na entegre olacak, ortak hareket edecek hem de \u0130srail\u2019e taviz vererek, anla\u015farak, ortak hareket ederek ABD\u2019nin K\u00fcrt \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck Hareketi’ne kar\u015f\u0131 deste\u011fini elde edecektir. K\u00fcrt \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck Hareketi’ni ezmek i\u00e7in ABD\u2019nin deste\u011fini almak \u00f6nemlidir. Erbakan H\u00fck\u00fcmeti d\u00f6neminde \u0130srail\u2019le bu kadar kapsaml\u0131 anla\u015fma yap\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n nedeni, PKK’yi tasfiye etmede \u0130srail \u00fczerinden ABD\u2019nin deste\u011fini daha fazla almak i\u00e7indir. Bu a\u00e7\u0131dan T\u00fcrkiye’deki derin devlet, Erbakan\u2019\u0131 da kullanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Erbakan\u2019\u0131n b\u00f6yle bir anla\u015fman\u0131n alt\u0131nda imzas\u0131 vard\u0131r. Bu anla\u015fmalar\u0131n nedeni, giderek \u00d6nder Apo\u2019nun esaretiyle sonu\u00e7lanacak komploda ortak davranma, daha sonra ABD\u2019nin b\u00f6lgeye yapaca\u011f\u0131 m\u00fcdahalede T\u00fcrkiye’yi buna uygun hale getirmektir. \u0130srail\u2019le ili\u015fkiler Erbakan\u2019\u0131n H\u00fck\u00fcmeti d\u00f6neminde bu nedenle geli\u015fmi\u015ftir.
Erbakan ve partisi kendine g\u00f6re belli bir tutarl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 olan, en az\u0131ndan i\u00e7erde kendi \u00f6ng\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc siyasal \u0130slamc\u0131 politikalar\u0131 y\u00fcr\u00fctmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan, hatta d\u0131\u015fa kar\u015f\u0131 biraz daha ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z davranmak isteyen bir liderlik, bir partidir. B\u00f6yle bir parti, \u0130srail\u2019le anla\u015fma yapmaya mecbur kal\u0131yor. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin en temel sorunu K\u00fcrt sorunudur. K\u00fcrt sorunu s\u00f6z konusu oldu\u011funda devlet politikalar\u0131na \u00e7ok ayk\u0131r\u0131 davranam\u0131yorlar. Yak\u0131n tarihte \u00d6zal\u2019\u0131n durumu da var, katledilmi\u015f.<\/p>\n
Siyasal islam\u0131n temsilcisi Erbakan Hoca’n\u0131n K\u00fcrt sorununa yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 nas\u0131ld\u0131? PKK’yle nas\u0131l bir diyalog aray\u0131\u015f\u0131na girdi?<\/p>\n
1995\u2019in Aral\u0131k ay\u0131nda se\u00e7im oldu. Biz Aral\u0131k’ta bir ate\u015fkes daha ilan ettik. PKK Merkez Komitesi’nin bir toplant\u0131s\u0131 oldu. \u00d6nderlik toplant\u0131ya telefonla kat\u0131ld\u0131. Bu ate\u015fkes \u00e7ok k\u0131sa s\u00fcrd\u00fc. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc T\u00fcrk devleti \u00e7ok ciddiye almad\u0131. Bu konuda herhangi bir geli\u015fme olmad\u0131. Daha sonra anla\u015f\u0131l\u0131yor ki \u00d6nderli\u011fe, Erbakan\u2019\u0131n arac\u0131larla haber g\u00f6nderme ve ili\u015fki kurma durumu var. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc sava\u015f\u0131n oldu\u011fu bir yerde h\u00fck\u00fcmetler s\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131yor. Erbakan da PKK\u2019ye kar\u015f\u0131, K\u00fcrtlere kar\u015f\u0131 sava\u015f y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcrse kendi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc politikalar\u0131 ne i\u00e7erde ne de d\u0131\u015far\u0131da uygulayamayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. PKK\u2019ye kar\u015f\u0131 sava\u015f s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc m\u00fcddet\u00e7e devletin o klasik politikas\u0131 do\u011frultusunda hareket etmek zorundad\u0131r. Ba\u015fka t\u00fcrl\u00fc hareket etmesi m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fil. Bu a\u00e7\u0131dan ortam\u0131 yumu\u015fatmak istemi\u015ftir. E\u011fer bir ate\u015fkes olabilirse, s\u00fcre\u00e7 yumu\u015fayabilirse kendi politikalar\u0131n\u0131 uygulayabilece\u011fi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesiyle mektuplar g\u00f6ndermi\u015ftir.
\u015euna biz de inan\u0131yoruz e\u011fer elinde olsayd\u0131, Erbakan K\u00fcrt sorununa \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm konusunda \u00d6zal\u2019dan daha ileri bir yakla\u015f\u0131m g\u00f6sterebilirdi. Erbakan inanm\u0131\u015f bir insand\u0131. Bug\u00fcnk\u00fc AKP H\u00fck\u00fcmeti gibi d\u0131\u015f g\u00fc\u00e7lere ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131, d\u0131\u015f g\u00fc\u00e7ler taraf\u0131ndan beslenen bir g\u00fc\u00e7 de\u011fildi. T\u00fcrkiye’deki \u0130slamc\u0131 damara dayan\u0131yordu. Yeni yeti\u015fen bir sermaye ve orta s\u0131n\u0131f vard\u0131. D\u0131\u015f sermayeye daha mesafeli olan, biraz daha milli denilebilecek (art\u0131k g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde \u00e7ok milli sermaye de yok ama) biraz daha geleneksel de\u011ferlere ba\u011fl\u0131, ger\u00e7ekten farkl\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnebilecek bir siyasi vizyona sahipti. O y\u00f6n\u00fcyle Erbakan ger\u00e7ekten de \u0130slamc\u0131 bir liderdi. Bu y\u00f6n\u00fcyle baz\u0131 de\u011ferleri vard\u0131. Bug\u00fcnk\u00fc siyasal \u0130slamc\u0131lar gibi alt\u0131 kaval \u00fcst\u00fc \u015fi\u015fhane, kapitalist modernitenin bir numaral\u0131 pratikle\u015ftiricisi de\u011fildi. Bug\u00fcnk\u00fc siyasal \u0130slamc\u0131lar asl\u0131nda kapitalist modernitenin Ortado\u011fu\u2019daki ajanlar\u0131 gibidirler. Erbakan \u00f6yle de\u011fildi. Samimi olarak kapitalizme, emperyalizmin uygulamalar\u0131na belirli d\u00fczeyde kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kan, bu y\u00f6n\u00fcyle de K\u00fcrt sorununu kendi i\u00e7inde \u00e7\u00f6zmek isteyen bir e\u011filime, ki\u015fili\u011fe sahipti. Ama derin devletin Erbakan\u2019a K\u00fcrt sorununu \u00e7\u00f6zme konusunda f\u0131rsat vermesi m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildi. Bu nedenle Erbakan\u2019\u0131n giri\u015fimlerinden herhangi bir sonu\u00e7 \u00e7\u0131kmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n
28 \u015eubat darbesinin Erbakan’\u0131n K\u00fcrt sorununa c\u0131l\u0131z da olsa bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm aray\u0131\u015f\u0131na girmesiyle ba\u011flant\u0131l\u0131 oldu\u011funu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyor musunuz?<\/p>\n
28 \u015eubat darbesini AKP’liler, siyasal \u0130slamc\u0131lar \u00e7ok dillendiriyorlar, g\u00fcndemle\u015ftiriyorlar ama bu darbe esas olarak Erbakan\u2019a yap\u0131lan darbedir. \u015eu anda ‘yenilik\u00e7iler’ denilen Erdo\u011fan\u2019\u0131n, Abdullah G\u00fcl’\u00fcn \u00f6n\u00fc 28 \u015eubat darbesiyle a\u00e7\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bunu b\u00f6yle belirtmek gerekir. Erbakan\u2019\u0131n politikalar\u0131ndan rahats\u0131zl\u0131k vard\u0131. Bu rahats\u0131zl\u0131k sadece T\u00fcrk devletinin, derin devletin rahats\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 de\u011fildir. ABD ve Avrupa da rahats\u0131zd\u0131. Halbuki 1980 darbesi bir y\u00f6n\u00fcyle de T\u00fcrkiye’de klasik Kemalist iktidar yerine i\u015fbirlik\u00e7i siyasal \u0130slam\u0131n da sistem i\u00e7ine al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131 yeni bir T\u00fcrkiye yaratma projesiydi. ABD’nin ‘ye\u015fil ku\u015fak projesi’ vard\u0131 buna g\u00f6re de \u0130slam\u0131 sistem i\u00e7ine almadan, i\u015fbirlik\u00e7i \u0130slam\u0131 kullanmadan, T\u00fcrkiye ve Ortado\u011fu’da toplumsal temeli olan \u0130slami kesimleri i\u015fbirlik\u00e7i hale getirmeden Ortado\u011fu\u2019yu, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019yi ger\u00e7ek anlamda y\u00f6netmek, Ortado\u011fu’yu istedikleri do\u011frultuda kullanmak m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildi. Bu y\u00f6n\u00fcyle Erbakan bu projenin \u00f6n\u00fcnde de engeldi. Bu a\u00e7\u0131dan 1980 y\u0131l\u0131nda ba\u015flayan T\u00fcrkiye\u2019yi de\u011fi\u015ftirme, belirli bir \u0130slami i\u015fbirlik\u00e7ilikle b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015ftirerek tamamen Bat\u0131’n\u0131n \u0130slam\u0131 veyahut kapitalist de\u011ferler ta\u015f\u0131yan bir \u0130slam modelini ortaya \u00e7\u0131karma aray\u0131\u015f\u0131nda 28 \u015eubat, Erbakan ve partisine y\u00f6nelik hem d\u0131\u015f destekli hem de i\u00e7erdeki g\u00fc\u00e7lerin birlikte yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir harekettir. Erbakan’\u0131n K\u00fcrt politikas\u0131ndaki yumu\u015fak yakla\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131 da bu darbeye neden olmu\u015ftur. Dikkat ederseniz o zaman bir tek Erbakan\u2019a y\u00f6nelik darbe yap\u0131lmam\u0131\u015f, bir\u00e7ok yazar da and\u0131\u00e7lanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu yazarlar\u0131n \u00e7o\u011fu da K\u00fcrt sorununa yumu\u015fak yakla\u015fanlard\u0131r. Erbakan\u2019\u0131n K\u00fcrt sorununda ilerde yumu\u015fak yakla\u015facak veyahut belirli bir uzla\u015fma arayacak ki\u015fili\u011fini bildiklerinden dolay\u0131, hem Erbakan e\u011filimini hem de bu y\u00f6nl\u00fc d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnen ayd\u0131n ve yazarlar\u0131n hepsini 28 \u015eubat post-modern darbesiyle ve sonras\u0131ndaki politikalarla safd\u0131\u015f\u0131 etmi\u015flerdir.<\/p>\n
Ayn\u0131 s\u00fcre\u00e7lerde hem cezaevi hem de Avrupa \u00fczerinden devletin, PKK ile \u00e7e\u015fitli temaslara girdi\u011fi biliniyor. Bu diyaloglar\u0131n bi\u00e7im ve i\u00e7erikleri hakk\u0131nda neler s\u00f6yleyebilirsiniz?<\/p>\n
97\u2019de ili\u015fkiye girmeler hala \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmesi gereken durumlard\u0131r. Cezaevinde Sabri arkada\u015flarla (Sabri Ok) da ili\u015fkilenilmi\u015ftir. Hatta Sa\u011fmalc\u0131lar Cezaevi’ndeki bizden tutuklu olan daha sonra bizden kopanlarla belirli savc\u0131lar\u0131n, derin devletle ili\u015fkili ki\u015filerin ili\u015fkide oldu\u011fu s\u00f6ylenmektedir. Yine bir d\u00f6nem san\u0131yorum Afyon veya U\u015fak cezaevinde arkada\u015flarla ili\u015fkilenilmi\u015ftir. Arkada\u015flar da\u011fa rapor g\u00f6ndermi\u015flerdi. O da \u00d6nderli\u011fin yakalanmas\u0131ndan sonrayd\u0131. 97 yani \u00d6nderli\u011fin yakalanmas\u0131ndan \u00f6nce cezaevi \u00fczerinden Avrupa \u00fczerinden bu t\u00fcr ili\u015fkiler geli\u015ftirilmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ordu i\u00e7indeki belirli bir kesim ili\u015fki kurmak istemi\u015ftir. Hatta 1997\u2019ydi, ben \u0130ran\u2019da\/Urmiye\u2019deydim. O zaman imkanlar oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in baz\u0131 \u00e7evrelerle ili\u015fki kuruyorduk. Y\u0131lda bir iki defa cezaevi arkada\u015f\u0131m, de\u011ferli dostum olan E\u015fber Ya\u011fmurdereli ile telefon g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmelerim oluyordu. Bir g\u00fcn E\u015fber Ya\u011fmurdereli ‘ordudan belli bir kesim bir kanal \u00fczerinden benimle ili\u015fki kurdular, PKK ili\u015fki kurmak istiyorlar’ bi\u00e7iminde bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesini belirtti. Ben de \u00d6nderli\u011fe E\u015fber Ya\u011fmurdereli \u00fczerinden ordu i\u00e7inden birileri hareketle ili\u015fki kurmak istiyor, dedim. \u00d6nderlik tamam, bakal\u0131m, dedi. Fakat sonradan herhangi bir \u015fey \u00e7\u0131kmad\u0131. \u00d6nderlik bana hi\u00e7 sormad\u0131. Sonradan anl\u0131yorum ki zaten o d\u00f6nemde yine ordu \u00e7evresinden belli ili\u015fkiler var. Art\u0131k ayn\u0131 ili\u015fkiler mi, farkl\u0131 m\u0131d\u0131r bilemiyoruz. Yaln\u0131z o d\u00f6nemde hareketle ili\u015fkilenmek isteyen bir kanad\u0131n oldu\u011fu g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyor. Ya da bir komplo \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde \u00d6nderlik ve PKK ile bu t\u00fcr g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmeler i\u00e7ine giren bir planlaman\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan s\u00f6z edilebilir. \u015eimdi bakt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda \u015fu ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor ki bu kesinlikle herhangi bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 de\u011fil, bir komplo\/tasfiye plan\u0131 var. Bu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmeleri gev\u015fetme, duyars\u0131zla\u015ft\u0131rma, dikkatleri da\u011f\u0131tma, sanki bir yumu\u015fama var gibi bir e\u011filim yaratarak komployu daha kolay ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirme plan\u0131n\u0131n par\u00e7as\u0131 olarak de\u011ferlendiriyoruz. \u00d6nder Apo da o d\u00f6nemdeki ili\u015fkileri komplo \u00f6ncesi bu komployu haz\u0131rlama planlar\u0131 olarak de\u011ferlendirmektedir.<\/p>\n
K\u00fcrt Halk \u00d6nderi’nin 93 y\u0131l\u0131ndan itibaren soruna siyasal \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131na girdi\u011fi ve en k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck f\u0131rsat\u0131 bile de\u011ferlendirdi\u011fi biliniyor. 2000\u2019li y\u0131llara kadarki m\u00fccadele stratejiniz bu aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131n sonuca gitmesine ne kadar uygundu?<\/p>\n
\u00d6nderlik 88\u2019den ba\u015flayarak demokratik \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm aray\u0131\u015f\u0131na girmi\u015ftir. 93\u2019te ate\u015fkes ilan etti. 95\u2019te de bir ate\u015fkes var. 98\u2019de zaten kapsaml\u0131 bir de\u011ferlendirmeye dayal\u0131 ate\u015fkes var. Ama bunlar sonuca ula\u015fmad\u0131. \u015eimdi \u015funu s\u00f6yleyebiliriz bizim \u00f6nceleri ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z devlet kurma bi\u00e7iminde s\u00f6ylemimiz ve kafam\u0131zda devlet\u00e7i bir paradigma vard\u0131. Ulusal kurtulu\u015fu bir devlet kurma bi\u00e7iminde alg\u0131l\u0131yorduk. Fakat devlet\u00e7i paradigmaya ve ulusal kurtulu\u015fu devlet kurma bi\u00e7iminde anlamam\u0131za ra\u011fmen bizim T\u00fcrkiye s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7inde halklar\u0131n karde\u015fli\u011fine dayal\u0131 bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131m\u0131z vard\u0131. Bu y\u00f6n\u00fcyle bizim 2000 \u00f6ncesindeki paradigmam\u0131z demokratik siyasal \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcme engeldi, dersek \u00e7ok do\u011fru olmaz. Fakat \u015fu do\u011fru demokratik siyasal \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcn ortam\u0131n\u0131 haz\u0131rlama konusunda zay\u0131fl\u0131klar\u0131m\u0131z vard\u0131. Daha \u00e7ok sava\u015fa y\u00fcklenme, sava\u015fta darbe vurarak sonu\u00e7 alma yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 daha a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131kl\u0131yd\u0131. Bu y\u00f6n\u00fcyle T\u00fcrkiye toplumunu etkileme, T\u00fcrkiye toplumunu haz\u0131rlama \u00e7abam\u0131z eksik kalm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bunlar\u0131 s\u00f6ylemiyor da de\u011fildik, ama a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131kl\u0131 olan sava\u015f oldu\u011fu ve sava\u015fla sorunu \u00e7\u00f6zme, kopararak sorunu \u00e7\u00f6zme yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in o t\u00fcr e\u011filim ve \u00e7abalar\u0131m\u0131z etkili olmuyordu. Bir T\u00fcrkiye partisinin kurulmas\u0131n\u0131 da destekledik, T\u00fcrkiye soluna da, demokrasi g\u00fc\u00e7lerine de seslenmemiz oluyordu fakat paradigmam\u0131z hala devlet\u00e7i ve vurarak koparma yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131na dayal\u0131 oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in sizin belirtti\u011finiz demokratik siyasal \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcme, daha yumu\u015fak bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm zemini yaratmaya y\u00f6nelik \u00e7abalar\u0131m\u0131z yetersiz kald\u0131. T\u00fcrk devletinde ger\u00e7ekten bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm e\u011filimi olsayd\u0131, yani bug\u00fcn ifade etti\u011fimiz Demokratik \u00d6zerklik, T\u00fcrkiye s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7inde \u00e7\u00f6zme e\u011filimine yatk\u0131n olsayd\u0131, kesinlikle 2000 \u00f6ncesinde de hareketimiz ve \u00d6nderlik bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcme haz\u0131rd\u0131. Belki b\u00fct\u00fcn birle\u015fenlerimiz veyahut toplum buna \u00e7ok haz\u0131r olmayabilir, devlet\u00e7i zihniyet olabilir ama \u00d6nderlik haz\u0131rd\u0131 ve \u00d6nderli\u011fin projesine toplum da Hareket de ba\u011fl\u0131 kal\u0131rd\u0131. Bu y\u00f6nl\u00fc eksiklikler olmas\u0131na ra\u011fmen ben 2000\u2019den \u00f6nceki paradigma d\u00f6neminde de bizim demokratik siyasal \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcme haz\u0131r bir Hareket oldu\u011fumuzu rahatl\u0131kla s\u00f6yleyebilirim.<\/p>\n
\u00d6calan’\u0131n esaretinden sonra ana hatlar\u0131yla PKK hangi konularda de\u011fi\u015fim ya\u015fad\u0131, bunun K\u00fcrt sorununun siyasal demokratik \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcne yans\u0131mas\u0131 nas\u0131l oldu?<\/p>\n
2000\u2019lerden sonraki paradigma de\u011fi\u015fiminin esas\u0131 \u015fu: En ba\u015fta devlete yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131m\u0131z de\u011fi\u015fti. Devletin bir kurtulu\u015f olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131, devlet d\u0131\u015f\u0131 da toplumlar\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcr, demokratik olabilece\u011fi, devlet olmadan da ulusal sorunun \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclebilece\u011fi bi\u00e7imindeki bir e\u011filim \u00d6nder Apo\u2019nun paradigmas\u0131yla geli\u015fti. Sadece \u00d6nder Apo’da de\u011fil, hem toplumda, hem Hareket i\u00e7inde \u00f6yle bir e\u011filim geli\u015fti. \u00d6nder Apo\u2019nun yeni savunmalar\u0131 \u00fczerine yap\u0131lan e\u011fitimle birlikte Hareketimiz ger\u00e7ekten bir paradigma de\u011fi\u015fimine u\u011frad\u0131. Demokrasi i\u00e7inde, demokratikle\u015fme temelinde K\u00fcrt toplumunun demokratik \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme g\u00fcc\u00fcne dayanarak, -sava\u015f bir me\u015fru savunma bi\u00e7iminde s\u00fcrse de, gerilla m\u00fccadelesi devam etse de- demokratik toplumu \u00f6rg\u00fctleyerek, toplumun g\u00fcc\u00fcne dayanarak da K\u00fcrt sorununun \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclebilece\u011fi ve bu temelde serhildanlarla hem K\u00fcrdistan’da hem T\u00fcrkiye’de demokrasi m\u00fccadelesini geli\u015ftirerek, T\u00fcrkiye’deki demokrasi g\u00fc\u00e7lerinin de bu direni\u015fe kat\u0131larak T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin demokratik temelde de\u011fi\u015ftirilip K\u00fcrt sorununun \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclebilece\u011fi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi bizde yeni bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131, yeni bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm politikas\u0131 olarak devreye girdi. Nitekim 2000\u2019lerden sonra dikkat edilirse yalvar\u0131rcas\u0131na K\u00fcrtler ‘bar\u0131\u015f bar\u0131\u015f’ demeye ba\u015flad\u0131. A\u011fz\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7an herkes bar\u0131\u015f, demokratik \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm, dedi. \u00d6yle ki bir\u00e7ok \u00e7evreden bize “Bu kadar bar\u0131\u015f denir mi? Bu kadar yalvar\u0131rcas\u0131na bar\u0131\u015ftan niye s\u00f6z ediyorsunuz” bi\u00e7iminde ele\u015ftiriler geldi. 2000-2004 aras\u0131nda bu y\u00f6nl\u00fc ele\u015ftirileri \u00e7ok fazlas\u0131yla ald\u0131k. Do\u011fru muydu bu ele\u015ftiriler? Do\u011fruydu. \u00c7ok fazla bar\u0131\u015f, \u00e7ok fazla demokratik \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm, dedik. Ama bunu s\u00f6ylememiz yanl\u0131\u015f de\u011fildi. Buna inanarak s\u00f6yledik. Onu ele\u015ftirenlerin mant\u0131\u011f\u0131 yanl\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Bizim yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131m\u0131z do\u011fruydu. Fakat T\u00fcrk devleti, 1999\u2019la 2004 aras\u0131ndaki be\u015f-alt\u0131 y\u0131l s\u00fcren geri \u00e7ekilme d\u00f6nemini, o ate\u015fkes d\u00f6nemini, o sessizlik d\u00f6nemini do\u011fru de\u011ferlendiremedi. Bunu PKK\u2019nin bir zay\u0131fl\u0131\u011f\u0131, g\u00fc\u00e7s\u00fczl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc olarak g\u00f6rd\u00fc. Bar\u0131\u015f\u00e7\u0131l demokratik \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131lar\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 da, ‘g\u00fc\u00e7s\u00fczd\u00fcrler, sava\u015fam\u0131yorlar, yalvar\u0131yorlar’ olarak de\u011ferlendirdi. Bu nedenle, bug\u00fcn herkesin de kabul etti\u011fi gibi 1999-2004 aras\u0131 be\u015f-alt\u0131 y\u0131ll\u0131k s\u00fcre ger\u00e7ekten heba edildi. Ama biz haz\u0131rd\u0131k. Biz ger\u00e7ekten zihniyet olarak hem toplumu hem Hareketi b\u00f6yle bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcme haz\u0131rlam\u0131\u015ft\u0131k. Buna haz\u0131r olmayan devletti. Devlet, K\u00fcrtlerin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 tan\u0131mak istemiyordu. K\u00fcrtleri, T\u00fcrkle\u015ftirerek K\u00fcrdistan\u2019\u0131 ulusal yay\u0131lma alan\u0131na \u00e7evirmek istiyordu. 1999’dan sonra da bu politikaya devam ettiler. Hatta ‘PKK yenildi, K\u00fcrtler yenildi, bir daha aya\u011fa kalkamaz’ dediler. ‘\u015eu anda yap\u0131lmas\u0131 gereken K\u00fcrtleri rehabilite etmektir’ dediler hatta 105-110 tane de tedbirden s\u00f6z ettiler. G\u00fcya ekonomik, sosyal, k\u00fclt\u00fcrel tedbir alacaklard\u0131, K\u00fcrtler rehabilite olacakt\u0131, art\u0131k bu isyan da t\u00fcmden bitmi\u015f olacakt\u0131! 99-2004 aras\u0131 s\u00fcre\u00e7te devletin bizim demokratik \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131m\u0131za tepkisi b\u00f6yle oldu.<\/p>\n
AKP hangi ko\u015fullarda ve neyin kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131nda iktidara getirildi? O d\u00f6nemin siyasal konjonkt\u00fcr\u00fc neydi?<\/p>\n
\u00d6nder Apo esaret alt\u0131na al\u0131nd\u0131ktan sonra o g\u00fcne kadar sava\u015f\u0131n ekonomik y\u00fck\u00fcn\u00fcn, faturas\u0131n\u0131n her y\u0131l biriktirilerek di\u011fer y\u0131la aktar\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131, bunun sonucu da ekonominin b\u00fcy\u00fck bir zay\u0131fl\u0131k ve kriz kayna\u011f\u0131 te\u015fkil etti\u011fi bir ger\u00e7eklik vard\u0131. \u00d6nder Apo esaret alt\u0131na al\u0131nd\u0131ktan sonra ekonominin bu zay\u0131fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 gidermek ve kriz yaratacak karakterini ortadan kald\u0131rmak i\u00e7in 20 y\u0131ll\u0131k sava\u015f\u0131n faturas\u0131 Kemal Dervi\u015f eliyle Ecevit-Y\u0131lmaz-Bah\u00e7eli H\u00fck\u00fcmeti d\u00f6neminde halk\u0131n \u00fczerine y\u0131k\u0131ld\u0131. Hem sava\u015f d\u00f6neminin anti-demokratik uygulamalar\u0131 halk\u0131 y\u0131ld\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131 hem de 20 y\u0131ll\u0131k ekonomik fatura halk\u0131n \u00fczerine y\u0131k\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Bu durum sava\u015f d\u00f6nemindeki partilerin \u00fczerine kalm\u0131\u015f ve onlara kar\u015f\u0131 halkta b\u00fcy\u00fck bir tepki ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131. \u0130\u015fte bu partilerin \u00fczerindeki bu b\u00fcy\u00fck kambur AKP’nin iktidara gelmesi i\u00e7in elveri\u015fli bir ortam yaratm\u0131\u015ft\u0131.
AKP H\u00fck\u00fcmeti ya da Erbakan’\u0131n partisinden \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lan ‘yenilik\u00e7iler’ T\u00fcrkiye’nin 20 y\u0131ll\u0131k a\u011f\u0131r sorunlar\u0131n\u0131n belirli partilerin s\u0131rt\u0131na y\u00fcklendi\u011fi ve di\u011fer taraftan da K\u00fcrt Halk \u00d6nderi’nin yakaland\u0131\u011f\u0131, silahl\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7lerin s\u0131n\u0131r d\u0131\u015f\u0131na \u00e7ekildi\u011fi, sava\u015f\u0131n durdu\u011fu ve belirli bir yumu\u015fak ortam\u0131n ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir d\u00f6nemde se\u00e7imlere girdi. Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7 ayn\u0131 zamanda ABD\u2019nin Irak\u2019a m\u00fcdahale etmesinden \u00f6nceki y\u0131la tekab\u00fcl ediyordu. 2003\u2019te ABD Irak\u2018a m\u00fcdahale edecekti, 2002’de T\u00fcrkiye’de se\u00e7imler oldu. Ortado\u011fu zor bir b\u00f6lgedir. E\u011fer T\u00fcrkiye’de siyasal \u0130slamc\u0131 bir iktidar olmazsa hem T\u00fcrkiye’nin tam deste\u011fini alamaz, hem de T\u00fcrkiye’de ABD\u2019nin Irak\u2019a m\u00fcdahalesini sabote edecek sava\u015f kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 geli\u015fmeler ortaya \u00e7\u0131kabilirdi. O a\u00e7\u0131dan kendine yak\u0131n bir siyasal \u0130slamc\u0131 iktidar\u0131 T\u00fcrkiye’de iktidara getirerek Irak\u2019a m\u00fcdahalesini kolayla\u015ft\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. T\u00fcrkiye bir siyasal \u0130slamc\u0131 iktidar olarak Irak\u2019a m\u00fcdahaleye kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kmazsa o zaman di\u011fer b\u00f6lge \u00fclkeleri de Irak m\u00fcdahalesine sessiz kal\u0131rd\u0131. Bu a\u00e7\u0131dan Irak\u2019a m\u00fcdahale d\u00f6neminde siyasal \u0130slamc\u0131 bir iktidar\u0131n T\u00fcrkiye’de i\u015fba\u015f\u0131nda olmas\u0131 ABD\u2019nin \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131na olacakt\u0131.
T\u00fcrkiye’deki derin devlet a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan da di\u011fer partiler y\u0131pranm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. K\u00fcrtlerin rehabilite edilmesi laz\u0131md\u0131. Bunu en iyi CHP veya MHP yapamazd\u0131, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc sava\u015fta yeterince te\u015fhir olmu\u015flard\u0131. Biraz demokrasiden s\u00f6z eden, yumu\u015famadan s\u00f6z eden siyasal \u0130slamc\u0131 bir AKP iktidar\u0131yla islam dini de, K\u00fcrtlerin dini inan\u00e7lar\u0131 da kullan\u0131larak K\u00fcrtler t\u00fcmden sisteme entegre edilebilirdi. Bu y\u00f6n\u00fcyle AKP\u2019nin iktidara gelmesi hem i\u00e7 g\u00fc\u00e7lerin, hem de d\u0131\u015f g\u00fc\u00e7lerin i\u015fine geldi ikisinin de \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131na olan bir momentte AKP iktidara geldi. T\u00fcrkiye’nin b\u00fct\u00fcn ge\u00e7mi\u015f s\u0131k\u0131nt\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n, zorluklar\u0131n\u0131n a\u011f\u0131r faturas\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6nceki partilerin \u00fczerine y\u0131k\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir d\u00f6nemde se\u00e7ime girdi ve iktidara geldi.
AKP’nin iktidara gelmesinde sol ve demokrasi g\u00fc\u00e7lerinin sorumlulu\u011fu da \u00e7ok b\u00fcy\u00fckt\u00fcr. E\u011fer o d\u00f6nemde sol ve demokrat g\u00fc\u00e7ler demokrasi s\u00f6ylemiyle ger\u00e7ekten K\u00fcrt sorununu \u00e7\u00f6zecek, T\u00fcrkiye’yi demokratikle\u015ftirecek bir programla se\u00e7im meydan\u0131na \u00e7\u0131ksalard\u0131, b\u00f6yle bir demokrasi ittifak\u0131 kurulsayd\u0131 AKP iktidara gelemezdi. \u0130smail Cem, Kemal Dervi\u015f ve o g\u00fcne kadar Ecevit’in g\u00f6lgesi olan H\u00fcsamettin \u00d6zkan, bir parti kurdular. Asl\u0131nda bunlar bile bir sinerji yaratt\u0131lar. E\u011fer onlar se\u00e7ime girselerdi, AKP tek ba\u015f\u0131na iktidara gelemeyecekti. ABD m\u00fcdahale etti, sistem m\u00fcdahale etti ve b\u00f6ylece biraz daha demokratik, yumu\u015fak bir partinin iktidara gelmesinin \u00f6n\u00fcne ge\u00e7tiler. Kemal Dervi\u015f oradan ayr\u0131l\u0131p CHP’ye ge\u00e7ti. B\u00f6ylelikle o partinin toplumda yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 sinerji birden da\u011f\u0131ld\u0131, t\u0131ls\u0131m bozuldu, ortada sadece AKP kald\u0131. Hem uluslararas\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7ler AKP\u2019ye Irak m\u00fcdahalesi d\u00f6neminde kolayla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 rol verdiler, hem de i\u00e7 g\u00fc\u00e7ler, derin devlet, \u00d6nder Apo\u2019nun esaret alt\u0131nda oldu\u011fu ve Hareketimizin sava\u015f\u0131 durdurup geri \u00e7ekildi\u011fi bir d\u00f6nemde, dini de kullanarak, demokrasi s\u00f6ylemiyle, yine AB\u2019ye tam \u00fcyelik i\u00e7in haz\u0131rlanan paketlerdeki belli yumu\u015famalarla K\u00fcrtleri sisteme entegre etme, K\u00fcrt Hareketini bitirme g\u00f6revini AKP’ye verdiler. Bu ikisi \u00e7ak\u0131\u015f\u0131nca, ko\u015fullar ve zemin de uygun olunca AKP iktidara geldi.<\/p>\n
Hareketiniz hi\u00e7bir iktidara tan\u0131mad\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm f\u0131rsat\u0131n\u0131 AKP’ye sundu ve \u00e7e\u015fitli d\u00f6nemlerde bir\u00e7ok kez eylemsizlik ve ate\u015fkes ilan\u0131nda bulundu. Somut talepleriniz nelerdi, AKP buna nas\u0131l yakla\u015ft\u0131?
AKP, K\u00fcrt sorununun g\u00fcndemde olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir d\u00f6nemde iktidar oldu. O da \u015funu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyordu: “PKK yenildi, art\u0131k K\u00fcrt sorunu yoktur”. Onun g\u00f6revi sadece K\u00fcrt sorununun ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131 sorunlar\u0131 rehabilite etmektir K\u00fcrt sorununu \u00e7\u00f6zme de\u011fil! Bu nedenle 2003 y\u0131l\u0131nda Erdo\u011fan’a soruldu\u011funda ‘d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmezseniz K\u00fcrt sorunu da yoktur’ cevab\u0131n\u0131 verdi. Ger\u00e7ekten de politikas\u0131 buydu. K\u00fcrt sorununu \u00e7\u00f6zme de\u011fil, biraz daha yumu\u015fak yakla\u015farak K\u00fcrtleri sistem i\u00e7inde rehabilite etme g\u00f6revi vard\u0131. Hareketimizin b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00e7abalar\u0131na ra\u011fmen AKP hi\u00e7bir ad\u0131m atmad\u0131, hi\u00e7bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 g\u00f6stermedi. Bunun sonucu 2004’te T\u00fcrk devletinin ve AKP’nin K\u00fcrt sorununda ad\u0131m atmama ve \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcms\u00fczl\u00fckte \u0131srar politikas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 yeni bir gerilla hamlesi ba\u015flatt\u0131k. Biliniyor, ondan \u00f6nce de Hareketimiz i\u00e7ten tasfiye edilmek istendi. AKP biraz bu tasfiyeye de umut ba\u011flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Onun i\u00e7in herhangi bir ad\u0131m atmad\u0131. 2004 y\u0131l\u0131nda gerillan\u0131n yeniden hamle yapmas\u0131yla birlikte AKP, Avrupa Birli\u011fi ve \u00e7e\u015fitli g\u00fc\u00e7lerle birlikte gerilla hamlesini, K\u00fcrt sorununu \u00e7\u00f6zme hamlesini k\u0131rmak i\u00e7in baz\u0131 aray\u0131\u015flara girdi. DEP\u2019li Leyla Zana, Hatip Dicle ve di\u011ferlerinin cezaevinden \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lmas\u0131 asl\u0131nda o d\u00f6nemde bir projeydi. \u0130\u015fte onlarla ortam\u0131 yumu\u015fatacaklar, onlar\u0131 etkili k\u0131lacaklar ve 1 Haziran Hamlesi’nin gel\u015fmesini engelleyeceklerdi. Onlar \u00fczerinde b\u00f6yle bir hesap yap\u0131yorlard\u0131. Fakat bu, hem Hareketimizin \u00e7abalar\u0131yla hem de \u00e7\u0131kan DEP\u2019lilerin b\u00f6yle bir projeye alet olmamalar\u0131yla bo\u015fa \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. Biz bunu bo\u015fa \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131nca, Erdo\u011fan, bilindi\u011fi gibi 2005’te yeniden bir aray\u0131\u015f i\u00e7ine girdi. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc bizim y\u00fcr\u00fctt\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcz m\u00fccadele AKP’yi zorluyordu. Bu bak\u0131mdan 2005’te, belirli ayd\u0131nlar\u0131n da etkisiyle Erdo\u011fan, Amed’de “K\u00fcrt sorunu benim de sorunumdur, ge\u00e7mi\u015fte hatalar yapt\u0131k” bi\u00e7iminde de\u011ferlendirme yapt\u0131.
O d\u00f6nemde Erdo\u011fan biraz da ‘acaba bu soruna bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm bulabilir miyiz?’ \u015feklinde d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Ku\u015fkusuz d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm K\u00fcrtlerin istedi\u011fi gibi de\u011fildir. Ama ‘acaba bir \u015fey yapabilir miyiz?’ bi\u00e7iminde bir yakla\u015f\u0131mla o konu\u015fmay\u0131 yapm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Nas\u0131l ki bir zamanlar Demirel ‘K\u00fcrt realitesini tan\u0131yorum’ demi\u015ftir \u00c7iller ‘Bask Modeli’nden bahsetmi\u015ftir Mesut Y\u0131lmaz ‘AB\u2019nin yolu Amed\u2019den ge\u00e7er’ demi\u015ftir \u00d6zal fedarasyondan bahsetmi\u015ftir yani b\u00fct\u00fcn siyasiler zorlan\u0131nca K\u00fcrt sorunu ve \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcnden s\u00f6z etmi\u015f, bir aray\u0131\u015f i\u00e7ine girmek istemi\u015flerse Erdo\u011fan da 2005\u2019te Amed\u2019de bu y\u00f6nl\u00fc bir konu\u015fma yapm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ama t\u00fcm bu ki\u015filer bu t\u00fcr s\u00f6zleri sarfettikten sonra durumun ve T\u00fcrk devlet ger\u00e7e\u011finin amiyane deyimle kaz\u0131n aya\u011f\u0131n\u0131n kendilerinin d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc gibi olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015flerdir. Nitekim Erdo\u011fan’\u0131n 2005’te, Amed’de K\u00fcrt sorunu benim de sorunumdur demesinden sonra \u015eemdinli’de Umut Kitapevi bombaland\u0131 ve polis halka sald\u0131rd\u0131. 2 yurtsever \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fc. Bombalamay\u0131 yapanlar yakaland\u0131. Erdo\u011fan, sonuna kadar gidece\u011fiz, dedi. Arkas\u0131ndan Genelkurmay Ba\u015fkan\u0131 Ya\u015far B\u00fcy\u00fckan\u0131t, ‘ben iyi tan\u0131yorum, bunlar iyi \u00e7ocuklard\u0131r’ deyince geri ad\u0131m att\u0131. \u015eemdinli olay\u0131 i\u00e7in iddianame haz\u0131rlayan Savc\u0131 Ferhat Sar\u0131kaya’y\u0131 onlar\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcne yem olarak att\u0131. B\u00f6ylece Erdo\u011fan, durumun \u00f6yle kolay olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 anlad\u0131. Ama \u015funu da g\u00f6rd\u00fc ki, PKK\u2019yle sava\u015farak bu i\u015fi g\u00f6t\u00fcremez, iktidar\u0131n\u0131 kaybedebilir. Bu a\u00e7\u0131dan kendine g\u00f6re do\u011fru bir taktik politika izledi. Hem bizi idare etme hem devleti idare etme politikas\u0131 izledi. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc sava\u015f s\u00fcrerse derin devletin ve toplumun bask\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 hissedecek, zorlanacakt\u0131. Bu a\u00e7\u0131dan ate\u015fkes ilan edildi\u011finde devletin ve toplumun bask\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 \u00fczerinden kald\u0131rarak devleti ve toplumu oyalayacakt\u0131. Bize de ‘ate\u015fkes yap\u0131n, baz\u0131 ad\u0131mlar atar\u0131z’ diyerek zaman kazanm\u0131\u015f olacakt\u0131. Ger\u00e7ekten ba\u015fka politikas\u0131 yoktu. Ne K\u00fcrt sorununu \u00e7\u00f6zme konusunda bir politikas\u0131 vard\u0131 ne de PKK’yi \u015fiddetle ezme politikas\u0131na haz\u0131rd\u0131. 2004-5-6 y\u0131llar\u0131nda 2007’deki gibi, 2008-2009’daki gibi \u00e7ok sert politikalara y\u00f6nelme yoktu. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc 2002 se\u00e7imlerine yumu\u015fak s\u00f6ylemlerle ve demokrasiden s\u00f6z ederek girmi\u015fti. K\u00fcrt sorununu \u00e7\u00f6zme politikas\u0131 olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi, ezme politikas\u0131n\u0131 y\u00fcr\u00fctme konusunda da toplumu, kendi ittifaklar\u0131n\u0131 haz\u0131rlam\u0131\u015f de\u011fildi. O zaman orta yol denedi. Bizi ate\u015fkesle oyalamak ve yumu\u015fak ortamda da devleti idare etmek! 2006 ate\u015fkesi AKP’ye b\u00f6yle bir ortam haz\u0131rlad\u0131.<\/p>\n
\u00d6calan 2006 ate\u015fkesinin bir oyun oldu\u011funu s\u00f6ylerken bunu hangi somut geli\u015fmelere dayand\u0131r\u0131yor?<\/p>\n
\u00d6nder Apo 2006 ate\u015fkesini ele\u015ftiriyor. 2006 ate\u015fkesini AKP’nin bir oyunu ve oyalamas\u0131 olarak g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc i\u00e7in bunu s\u00f6yl\u00fcyor. AKP kendine nefes ald\u0131rd\u0131, devlete de bununla nefes ald\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131. Daha sonra bu nefes ald\u0131rma, May\u0131s 2007’deki Dolmabah\u00e7e mutabakat\u0131yla sonu\u00e7land\u0131. B\u00f6yle bir mutabakat\u0131n olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131, devletin de AKP’nin de s\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131k oldu\u011fu, sorunlar ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00f6nemde, AKP’nin bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 yokken, somut her hangi bir ad\u0131m\u0131 yokken ate\u015fkese gitmek, asl\u0131nda AKP’yi ve devleti rahatlatt\u0131. Hareketin devleti ve AKP’yi s\u0131k\u0131\u015ft\u0131rma imkan\u0131n\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131rlad\u0131. Bu nedenle \u00d6nder Apo ‘ben do\u011fru bilgilendirilseydim, ate\u015fkesi yapmazd\u0131m’ dedi. Zaten ate\u015fkesten hemen sonra, “E\u011fer iki-\u00fc\u00e7 ay i\u00e7inde ad\u0131m at\u0131lmazsa, bunu bir oyun sayar\u0131m” demi\u015fti. \u00d6nderlik, AKP’nin bir politikas\u0131n\u0131n olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, zorland\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve bu y\u00fczden bir ate\u015fkes yapt\u0131rarak oyalamak istedi\u011fini hissetti. Nitekim ger\u00e7ekten de birka\u00e7 ay i\u00e7inde bunun bir oyun oldu\u011fu ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. AKP ad\u0131m atmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi devlet de o ortamdan yararlanarak \u00d6nderli\u011fi zehirlemek istedi. Biz erkenden fark edip m\u00fcdahale edince, kamuoyuna duyurunca bu ad\u0131m ad\u0131m zehirleme giri\u015fimi durduruldu. Yoksa g\u00fcn g\u00fcn \u00d6nderli\u011fi zehirleyerek zaman i\u00e7inde \u00f6l\u00fcme g\u00f6t\u00fcreceklerdi. \u00d6nder Apo, T\u00fcrkiye’nin demokratikle\u015fmesi ve K\u00fcrt sorununun \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fc i\u00e7in hi\u00e7bir faydas\u0131 olmayan ama K\u00fcrt sorununu \u00e7\u00f6zmeyenlerin, T\u00fcrkiye’yi demokratikle\u015ftirmek istemeyenlerin direncini artt\u0131ran, onlara o direnci bulmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flayan f\u0131rsat\u0131 sunaca\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in bunu “bir oyun sayar\u0131m” dedi. Demokratikle\u015fme ve K\u00fcrt sorununun \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc zora soktu\u011fu ve K\u00fcrt sorununu ezerek \u00e7\u00f6zmek isteyenlerin, gericilerin eline f\u0131rsat verdi\u011fi i\u00e7in bunu bir oyun olarak de\u011ferlendirmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n
May\u0131s 2007’de Dolmabah\u00e7e’de ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen Erdo\u011fan-B\u00fcy\u00fckan\u0131t gizli g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmesinde ordu ile siyasal \u0130slam\u0131n K\u00fcrt \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck Hareketi’ne kar\u015f\u0131 nas\u0131l bir i\u015fbirli\u011fine gitti\u011fini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyorsunuz?<\/p>\n
2006 ate\u015fkesi 2006 ortam\u0131 AKP’nin hem devleti idare etme hem bizi oyalama politikas\u0131yd\u0131. Ama bunu uzun s\u00fcrd\u00fcremezdi. 2007 Nisan’\u0131na geldi\u011finde Cumhurba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 se\u00e7imi olacakt\u0131. Ordu, ‘e\u015fi t\u00fcrbanl\u0131 birini Cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131 yapamazs\u0131n’ dedi ve m\u00fcdahale etti. Niye? \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc AKP’nin bir K\u00fcrt politikas\u0131 yok, idare ediyor. Onun i\u00e7in K\u00fcrt politikas\u0131nda net olmayan, ezme politikas\u0131 konusunda da iradesi ve g\u00fcc\u00fc bulunmayan bu AKP’yi kabul etmiyordu. Derin devlet zaten K\u00fcrt sorunun \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc istemiyordu. Onun i\u00e7in 27 Nisan darbesi oldu. \u015eundan oldu: AKP’nin o g\u00fcne kadar bir K\u00fcrt politikas\u0131 yoktu. Tek politikas\u0131 oyalama ve idare etmeyd\u0131. 27 Nisan e-muht\u0131ras\u0131yla birlikte AKP yeni bir durumla kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya kald\u0131: ya 2006’ya kadarki bu oyalama politikas\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrecek, hem devleti hem K\u00fcrt \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck Hareketi’ni idare edecek – bunu ne PKK kabul ediyor, Ordu da kabul etmiyor- ya da K\u00fcrt sorununda bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm politikas\u0131 veya ezme politikas\u0131na y\u00f6nelecekti. Ordu, K\u00fcrt sorununda ezme politikan yoksa ben sana kar\u015f\u0131y\u0131m, iktidar\u0131n\u0131 engellerim, dedi. Bunun sonucu May\u0131s’ta Ya\u015far B\u00fcy\u00fckan\u0131t ile AKP aras\u0131nda mezara kadar g\u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fclecek anla\u015fma ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti. Mutabakat \u015fu \u00e7er\u00e7evede oldu: AKP, K\u00fcrt \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck Hareketi’ni ezme politikas\u0131 izleyecek, K\u00fcrtlerin haklar\u0131n\u0131\/hukukunu tan\u0131mayacak, bu konuda tutum sahibi olacak Genelkurmay ve derin devlet de bu \u00e7er\u00e7evede AKP’nin yeniden iktidar olmas\u0131na izin verecek ve e\u015fi t\u00fcrbanl\u0131 birisinin \u00c7ankaya’da olmas\u0131n\u0131 kabul edecekti. Ne kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131nda AKP yeniden iktidar olacak? K\u00fcrt \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck Hareketi’ni ezme, K\u00fcrtlere hak tan\u0131mama politikas\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131nda! 2007’deki Dolmabah\u00e7e mutabakat\u0131 kesinlikle buna dayanmaktad\u0131r.
Mezara kadar g\u00f6t\u00fcrecekleri s\u0131r K\u00fcrtlerin \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc, K\u00fcrtlerin yok edilmesi \u00fczerinden yap\u0131lan anla\u015fmad\u0131r. Zaten s\u0131radan bir politikac\u0131 bilir T\u00fcrkiye ge\u00e7ekli\u011finde bu kadar \u00f6nemli ve mezara g\u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fclecek bir s\u0131r, K\u00fcrt politikas\u0131 d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda ne olabilir? K\u00fcrt sorunu d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki her \u015fey \u00f6nceden a\u00e7\u0131klanabilir. Sadece K\u00fcrt sorunuyla ilgili bir konu mezara kadar g\u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fclebilir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc bu \u00e7ok stratejik bir konudur. En temel ulusal strateji K\u00fcrtlerin T\u00fcrkle\u015ftirilmesi konusudur. Anlat\u0131rlar ne kadar do\u011fru, bilemeyiz idam edilmeden bir s\u00fcre \u00f6nce Menderes’e, ‘T\u00fcrkiye’nin en temel sorunu nedir?’ diye sormu\u015flar. Menderes de “K\u00fcrt sorunudur” demi\u015f. Mezara giderken adama soruyorlar, ‘sen devlet adam\u0131s\u0131n bilirsin’ diye o bile “K\u00fcrt sorunudur” diyor. K\u00fcrtler \u00fczerindeki bu kirli anla\u015fma topluma yay\u0131l\u0131rsa K\u00fcrtler buna tepki duyacakt\u0131r. K\u00fcrtlerin duymamas\u0131 gereken bir \u015feyi, \u00f6nemli bir s\u0131r olarak g\u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fcyorlar mezara. O nedir? K\u00fcrtlerin ezilmesi, T\u00fcrkle\u015ftirilmesi ve bu sorunun ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131d\u0131r!<\/p>\n
2009 y\u0131l\u0131 29 Mart yerel se\u00e7imlerinden K\u00fcrt Hareketi \u00f6nemli bir ba\u015far\u0131yla \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131 ve 13 Nisan’da eylemsizlik ilan\u0131nda bulundu. Siyasal \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm i\u00e7in \u00e7ok elveri\u015fli bir ortam yakalanm\u0131\u015fken 14 Nisan’da KCK ad\u0131yla geli\u015ftirilen siyasi soyk\u0131r\u0131m operasyonlar\u0131yla s\u00fcre\u00e7 neden tersine \u00e7evrildi?<\/p>\n
Ondan \u00f6nce bilindi\u011fi gibi 2007 se\u00e7imlerinden sonra Erdo\u011fan’\u0131n 5 Kas\u0131m’da Bush ile Washington’daki g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmesi var. Her t\u00fcrl\u00fc deste\u011fi alarak PKK\u2019yi tasfiye etme yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 var. Ondan sonra Zap operasyonu ve ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131k var. O d\u00f6nemde g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc serhildanlar var. 2008 y\u0131l\u0131nda ikinci bir Dolmabah\u00e7e mutabakat\u0131 ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti. Bu defa taraflar Erdo\u011fan ile yeni Genelkurmay Ba\u015fkan\u0131 \u0130lker Ba\u015fbu\u011f’du. O da yine K\u00fcrt \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck Hareketi’ni tasfiye etme, K\u00fcrt sorununu ortadan kald\u0131rmaya y\u00f6nelik bir mutabakatt\u0131. Ama bu mutabakat\u0131n bir farkl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 vard\u0131. O da \u015fuydu: bu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmede belirli psikolojik sava\u015f ara\u00e7lar\u0131 kullan\u0131larak K\u00fcrt \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck Hareketi tasfiye edilecekti. Bunun mimar\u0131 da \u0130lker Ba\u015fbu\u011f’dur. \u0130lker Ba\u015fbu\u011f buna ‘liberal demokratik’ \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm demektedir. \u0130lker Ba\u015fbu\u011f’un \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcne g\u00f6re TRT-6 a\u00e7\u0131lacak, K\u00fcrdoloji b\u00f6l\u00fcmleri a\u00e7\u0131lacak, kurslar a\u00e7\u0131lacak ve K\u00fcrtler bu psikolojik sava\u015f ara\u00e7lar\u0131yla, bu tedbirlerle kazan\u0131lacak. B\u00f6ylelikle PKK\u2019nin, DTP\u2019nin taban\u0131 zay\u0131flat\u0131lacak ve bu taban\u0131n zay\u0131flat\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 ortamda siyasi ve askeri bir hamle de yap\u0131larak K\u00fcrt \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck Hareketi tasfiye edilecekti. 2008’den 2009’daki 29 Mart Yerel Se\u00e7imlerine gidilirken b\u00f6yle bir konsept var. Bu konsept \u015f\u00f6yle ger\u00e7ekle\u015fecekti: Bu ad\u0131mlar at\u0131ld\u0131ktan sonra, se\u00e7imler kazan\u0131lacak, arkas\u0131ndan bir K\u00fcrt Konferans\u0131 ger\u00e7ekle\u015fecekti. Orada PKK\u2019ye silah b\u0131rakt\u0131rma karar\u0131 al\u0131nacak, PKK silah b\u0131rakmazsa haks\u0131z duruma d\u00fc\u015fecek, T\u00fcrkiye daha da g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc pozisyonda olacak. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc hem belirli ad\u0131mlar atm\u0131\u015f, hem se\u00e7imi kazanm\u0131\u015f, DTP zay\u0131flam\u0131\u015f, hem de K\u00fcrt Konferans\u0131’nda PKK\u2019ye silah b\u0131rakt\u0131rma karar\u0131 ald\u0131rtm\u0131\u015f, PKK silah b\u0131rakmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 takdirde T\u00fcrkiye’nin tasfiye politikas\u0131 me\u015fruiyet kazanm\u0131\u015f olarak siyasi ve askeri sald\u0131r\u0131lar yapacak ve K\u00fcrt \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck Hareketi’ni tasfiye edecekti. Nitekim hen\u00fcz se\u00e7imlerden \u00f6nce, \u00fcstelik 15 \u015eubat’ta Hewl\u00ear’de, Fetullah\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131n haz\u0131rlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir konferans yap\u0131ld\u0131. O asl\u0131nda se\u00e7imden sonra PKK\u2019ye silah b\u0131rakt\u0131rmay\u0131 ama\u00e7layan K\u00fcrt Konferans\u0131’n\u0131n bir haz\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131yd\u0131.
Se\u00e7imler \u00f6ncesinde ilk defa kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 bir ate\u015fkes oldu\u011funu da s\u00f6yleyebiliriz. Eyl\u00fcl’de Oslo g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmeleri oldu. Daha sonra Oslo g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmelerine arac\u0131l\u0131k yapanlarla g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmeler oldu. Bu s\u0131rada \u00d6rg\u00fct y\u00f6netimine y\u00f6nelik suikast niteli\u011finde hava sald\u0131r\u0131s\u0131 yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olsa da, biz ate\u015fkes konumuna girdik. Hatta \u015fehirlerde eylem yapmama taahh\u00fcd\u00fcnde bulunduk. Oslo g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmelerinin ilk taahh\u00fcd\u00fc de \u015fehirlerde eylem yapmama bi\u00e7iminde bir yakla\u015f\u0131md\u0131. Bunlar\u0131 dikkate alaca\u011f\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 s\u00f6yledik ve ger\u00e7ekten de yerel se\u00e7imlere kadar d\u00f6rt-be\u015f ay TSK da hi\u00e7bir operasyon yapmad\u0131. Kimin ordusu? \u0130lker Ba\u015fbu\u011f’un ordusu! Niye? B\u00f6yle bir tasfiye plan\u0131 var da ondan! O iki tarafl\u0131 ate\u015fkes, hi\u00e7bir operasyon yapmama da bu tasfiye plan\u0131n\u0131n bir par\u00e7as\u0131yd\u0131. G\u00fcya hem TRT-6 yumu\u015famas\u0131 oldu, hem ordu yumu\u015fad\u0131 b\u00f6ylelikle ne oluyor? \u0130\u015fler iyiye gidiyor i\u015fte AKP bu sorunu \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcyor, yumu\u015fat\u0131yor alg\u0131s\u0131 yarat\u0131larak 29 Mart se\u00e7imlerinde de ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 olacaklard\u0131. Nitekim en fazla da Fethullah\u00e7\u0131lar bunu propoganda ettiler. ‘Bak\u0131n i\u015fte sava\u015f ve \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma olmuyor, TRT-6 a\u00e7\u0131ld\u0131, ad\u0131mlar at\u0131ld\u0131. K\u00fcrt sorununu \u00e7\u00f6zmek i\u00e7in ortam geli\u015fti’ bi\u00e7iminde de\u011ferlendirmeler oldu. Se\u00e7im \u00f6ncesi de bir Oslo g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmesi oldu. San\u0131yorum 5 Mart’tayd\u0131. O g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmede de hem se\u00e7imlerin, hem de Newroz\u2019un rahat ge\u00e7mesi konusunda anla\u015fmaya var\u0131ld\u0131. Hat\u0131rlan\u0131rsa, 2009’daki Newroz da, se\u00e7im ortam\u0131 da yumu\u015fak ge\u00e7ti. B\u00fct\u00fcn bunlar, t\u00fcrk devletinin se\u00e7imi kazan\u0131p bir konferansla K\u00fcrt \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck Hareketi’ni tasfiye etme plan\u0131yla ilgiliydi. AKP d\u0131\u015fardan ABD\u2019nin, Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n, G\u00fcney K\u00fcrdistan\u2019\u0131n deste\u011fini alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131 liberallerin ve i\u00e7erdeki bir\u00e7ok K\u00fcrt’\u00fcn deste\u011fini alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. TRT-6’y\u0131 a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Ama hesaplar tutmad\u0131. B\u00fct\u00fcn bunlar\u0131n hi\u00e7biri etkili olmad\u0131 ve se\u00e7imlerden K\u00fcrt demokratik hareketi b\u00fcy\u00fck bir ba\u015far\u0131yla \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. A\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a TRT-6 gibi ad\u0131mlar\u0131n K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck talebini kar\u015f\u0131layamad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, \u0130lker Ba\u015fbu\u011f’un liberal demokratik \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm dedi\u011fi \u00f6zel sava\u015f imalat\u0131 ad\u0131mlar\u0131n K\u00fcrtler \u00fczerinde etkileri olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6sterdi.
29 Mart se\u00e7imlerinden K\u00fcrt demokratik hareketi g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc \u00e7\u0131k\u0131nca, hem PKK Y\u00fcr\u00fctme Komitesi toplant\u0131s\u0131, hem de KCK Y\u00fcr\u00fctme Konseyi toplant\u0131s\u0131 yap\u0131ld\u0131. Toplant\u0131larda \u015fu yakla\u015f\u0131m benimsendi: Se\u00e7im oldu, DTP de b\u00fcy\u00fck bir oy ald\u0131, b\u00f6yle bir demokratik, yumu\u015fak ortam do\u011fdu biz bu ortam\u0131 demokratik \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm i\u00e7in de\u011ferlendirelim. Herhalde bu ortamda T\u00fcrkiye’nin tutumu da yumu\u015fak olmal\u0131yd\u0131. K\u00fcrtler, K\u00fcrt sorununun bar\u0131\u015f\u00e7\u0131l demokratik \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc istiyor. T\u00fcrk devleti de herhalde buna cevap verir, bu yumu\u015fak ortam da devam eder ve bu temelde K\u00fcrt sorununun demokratik yollardan \u00e7\u00f6zme imkan\u0131 do\u011far d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesiyle biz 13 Nisan’da resmi ate\u015fkes ilan ettik. T\u00fcrk devletini demokratik ortam\u0131 geli\u015ftirmeye, demokratikle\u015fme ad\u0131mlar\u0131 atmaya, K\u00fcrt sorununu demokratik temelde \u00e7\u00f6zmeye \u00e7a\u011f\u0131rd\u0131k. D\u00fcnyan\u0131n herhangi bir \u00fclkesinde b\u00f6yle bir se\u00e7im olsayd\u0131 ve K\u00fcrtler bu kadar belediye ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kazansayd\u0131, b\u00f6yle bir yumu\u015fak ortam olsayd\u0131 o devlet, ‘demokratik ortamda demokratik bir se\u00e7im oldu, oylar K\u00fcrt demokratik partisine gitti o zaman bizim de bu se\u00e7imin sonu\u00e7lar\u0131na ve se\u00e7im mesaj\u0131na uyarak yumu\u015famam\u0131z ve demokratik yoldan \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcn yollar\u0131n\u0131 aramam\u0131z, demokratik siyasetin \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc daha fazla a\u00e7mam\u0131z gerekir, derdi. Yani ‘K\u00fcrtler demokratik siyasete bu kadar \u00f6nem verip demokratik \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmde \u0131srar ediyorlar, o zaman biz de demokratik siyasetin \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc a\u00e7al\u0131m, sorunu demokratik temelde \u00e7\u00f6zelim’ demeleri beklenirdi. Herhangi bir normal devlet akl\u0131 d\u00fcnyada b\u00f6yle d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrd\u00fc. Ama ne oldu? Biz demokratik siyasetin, demokratik \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcn \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc a\u00e7mak ve ortam\u0131 yumu\u015fatmak i\u00e7in yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z ate\u015fkes ilan\u0131ndan bir g\u00fcn sonra 14 Nisan’da BDP\u2019lilere, K\u00fcrt demokratik siyasetine y\u00f6nelik siyasi soyk\u0131r\u0131m operasyonlar\u0131 ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti.
Ayn\u0131 g\u00fcn, 14 Nisan’da siyasi operasyonlar\u0131n oldu\u011fu g\u00fcn \u0130lker Ba\u015fbu\u011f gazetecileri kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131na alarak bir bas\u0131n toplant\u0131s\u0131 yapt\u0131. Daha do\u011frusu yeni K\u00fcrt politikas\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131klad\u0131. Kim a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131yor? Ba\u015fbakan de\u011fil, H\u00fck\u00fcmet de\u011fil, \u0130lker Ba\u015fbu\u011f a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131yor! Atat\u00fcrk, ‘T\u00fcrkiye’de ya\u015fayan herkese T\u00fcrkiye halk\u0131 denir ama bunlar\u0131n t\u00fcm\u00fc de T\u00fcrk milletini olu\u015fturur’ demi\u015f! Ba\u015fbu\u011f ‘farkl\u0131 kimlikler olabilir, ama hepsi T\u00fcrkiye halk\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturuyor ve T\u00fcrk milleti oluyor’ diyerek asl\u0131nda kendisinin ve devletin yeni K\u00fcrt politikas\u0131n\u0131 izah etti. 14 Nisan’da bu operasyonlar niye yap\u0131ld\u0131? \u015eunun i\u00e7in: \u0130lker Ba\u015fbu\u011f’un ilan etti\u011fi K\u00fcrt politikas\u0131 se\u00e7imden \u00f6nce kabul edilmi\u015fti. Bu politika \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde K\u00fcrt sorunu halledilecekti daha do\u011frusu K\u00fcrt \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck Hareketi ezilecekti. Ama 29 Mart se\u00e7imlerinde neyi g\u00f6rd\u00fcler? 29 Mart se\u00e7imlerinde DTP’ye bu kadar oy veren, her tarafta DTP\u2019yi destekleyen bu K\u00fcrt halk\u0131na, bu K\u00fcrt demokratik hareketine \u0130lker Ba\u015fbu\u011f’un ortaya koydu\u011fu \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm projesi kabul ettirilemezdi. \u0130\u015fte b\u00fcy\u00fck politikle\u015fmi\u015f ve DTP\u2019ye bu kadar oy veren K\u00fcrt halk\u0131na \u00f6n g\u00f6rd\u00fckleri K\u00fcrt politikas\u0131n\u0131 kabul ettiremeyeceklerini g\u00f6rd\u00fckleri i\u00e7in K\u00fcrtlerin \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesini, iradesini k\u0131rmak ve \u0130lker Ba\u015fbu\u011f’un liberal demokratik \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm dedi\u011fi K\u00fcrt politikas\u0131n\u0131 kabul ettirmek i\u00e7in bu siyasal soyk\u0131r\u0131m operasyonlar\u0131 yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Siyasal soyk\u0131r\u0131m operasyonlar\u0131n\u0131n yap\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n amac\u0131, tamamen 29 Mart se\u00e7imleri sonucu ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan K\u00fcrt ger\u00e7e\u011fine o tasfiye politikas\u0131n\u0131n kabul edilmeyece\u011fi g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnden -zaten tasfiye politikalar\u0131 da g\u00fcndemdedir- o tasfiye politikas\u0131n\u0131 kabul edecek toplumsal, siyasal, psikolojik zemini ortaya \u00e7\u0131karmakt\u0131. Bu y\u00fczden siyasal soyk\u0131r\u0131m operasyonlar\u0131 yo\u011fun olarak ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n
Oslo g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmeleri \u00e7ok tart\u0131\u015f\u0131ld\u0131. Ne zaman, nerede ba\u015flad\u0131? Buna kim-kimler \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fck etti? Neden Oslo?<\/p>\n
Oslo g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmeleri resmi olarak 2008 Eyl\u00fcl’\u00fcnde ba\u015flad\u0131. Ama \u00f6nceden dolayl\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmeler var. Oslo g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmelerinin ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmesine arac\u0131l\u0131k yapan, uluslararas\u0131 bir kurumdur. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla baz\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck devletlerle ili\u015fkili olma olas\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 da vard\u0131r. G\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmeler Oslo’da oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in Norve\u00e7 devletinin de bilgisi dahilinde oldu\u011funu s\u00f6ylemek gerekir. D\u00fcnyan\u0131n bir\u00e7ok yerinde, Srilanka-Tamiller, Filipinler, i\u015fte me\u015fhur Filistin-\u0130srail g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmeleri, en son Kolombiya-FARC g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmelerinin hepsi bu \u00fclkede olmaktad\u0131r. Asl\u0131nda Norve\u00e7\u2019e itilafl\u0131 konularda b\u00f6yle bir rol verilmi\u015f. T\u00fcrk devleti ve PKK aras\u0131ndaki ilk g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fme Eyl\u00fcl 2008’de yap\u0131ld\u0131. \u0130kincisi ya da \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fcs\u00fc Mart 2009’da yap\u0131ld\u0131. Se\u00e7imlerden sonra May\u0131s’ta da g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmeler oldu. 14 Nisan operasyonlar\u0131na ra\u011fmen Y\u00fcr\u00fctme Konseyi Ba\u015fkan\u0131m\u0131z Hasan Cemal ile yap\u0131lan s\u00f6yle\u015fide demokratik \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm iradesini bir kere daha ortaya koydu. May\u0131s’taki g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmede Hareketimiz, 14 Nisan operasyonlar\u0131na ra\u011fmen yumu\u015fak mesajlar g\u00f6nderdi. Yine \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fc zorlamak istedi. \u00d6nder Apo da ‘bir Yol Haritas\u0131 haz\u0131rlayaca\u011f\u0131m’ dedi. Daha sonra Temmuz’da g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmeler oldu. 2009 yaz\u0131ndaki Oslo g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmeleri, ayn\u0131 zamanda \u00d6nder Apo\u2019nun bir Yol Haritas\u0131 haz\u0131rlayarak devlete sundu\u011fu s\u00fcrece tekab\u00fcl ediyordu. Devletin soyk\u0131r\u0131m operasyonlar\u0131n\u0131 y\u00fcr\u00fctmesine ra\u011fmen Hareketimiz makul ve yumu\u015fak yakla\u015f\u0131mlar g\u00f6sterdi. Biraz da \u00d6nder Apo\u2019nun haz\u0131rlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 Yol Haritas\u0131’na devletin verece\u011fi cevap beklendi diyebilirim. O zaman M\u0130T M\u00fcste\u015far Yard\u0131mc\u0131s\u0131 ekibiyle geliyordu. Daha sonra 2009 A\u011fustos\u2019unda, Yol Haritas\u0131’n\u0131n devlete verildi\u011fi s\u00fcre\u00e7ten sonra Hakan Fidan da g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmelere kat\u0131ld\u0131. O zamanlar Ba\u015fbakanl\u0131k M\u00fcste\u015far Yard\u0131mc\u0131s\u0131\/Ba\u015fbakan Temsilcisi olarak g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmlere kat\u0131l\u0131yordu. G\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmeler b\u00f6yle s\u00fcrd\u00fc. \u00d6nder Apo, 22 A\u011fustos’ta Yol Haritas\u0131’n\u0131 sundu. Buna hi\u00e7bir cevap verilmedi\u011fi gibi Yol Haritas\u0131’n\u0131n verilmesinden sonraki ilk Oslo g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmelerinde Yol Haritas\u0131’n\u0131n verilmeyece\u011fini s\u00f6ylediler. Belirli b\u00f6l\u00fcmlerini okuyabileceklerini s\u00f6ylediler. Sadece \u015furadan buradan hep Hareketin ataca\u011f\u0131 ad\u0131mlar\u0131n s\u00f6ylendi\u011fi b\u00f6l\u00fcmleri pasaj pasaj okuyorlard\u0131. Yol Haritas\u0131’n\u0131n verilmemesinden de anla\u015f\u0131ld\u0131 ki bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm politikalar\u0131 yok.
Yol Haritas\u0131’ndan \u00f6nce de 2007’de, \u00d6nderlik 125 sayfal\u0131k bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm \u00f6nerisi, bir nevi Yol Haritas\u0131’n\u0131n daha \u00f6z bir bi\u00e7imini sunmu\u015ftu, o da verilmemi\u015fti. Yol Haritas\u0131’n\u0131 da vermedikleri gibi Be\u015fir Atalay taraf\u0131ndan olumsuz de\u011ferlendirmeler oldu. Yol Haritas\u0131 da verilmeyince, \u00d6nderlik, AKP’nin bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm politikas\u0131 olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6rd\u00fc ve bir giri\u015fim daha yapt\u0131. Bildi\u011finiz gibi Habur\u2019dan bar\u0131\u015f gruplar\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6nderdi. Meclis’te g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fme olacakt\u0131. Bar\u0131\u015f gruplar\u0131 bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te Hareketin g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerini kamuoyuna aktaracakt\u0131. Hatta Meclis’e bile gidip hareketin d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerini aktarabilecekleri s\u00f6ylenmi\u015fti. \u00d6yle bir \u015fey planlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Ama Habur’da milyonlar ovalardan kasabalardan yollara d\u00f6k\u00fcl\u00fcp bar\u0131\u015f gruplar\u0131n\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131lay\u0131nca, ayn\u0131 29 Mart se\u00e7imlerinden sonraki tepkiyi g\u00f6sterdiler. 29 Mart se\u00e7imleri yumu\u015fak bir se\u00e7imdi, ama hemen ard\u0131ndan 14 Nisan operasyonlar\u0131n\u0131 yapt\u0131lar. Habur’da da ayn\u0131 29 Mart se\u00e7imlerinden sonraki tepkiyi g\u00f6sterdiler. Habur\u2019u as\u0131l olarak bozan bu yakla\u015f\u0131m olmu\u015ftur. “Biz bu halka tasfiye politikas\u0131n\u0131 kabul ettiremeyiz” dediler. B\u00f6yle bir halk AKP’nin istedi\u011fi \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fc kabul etmez diye d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fckleri i\u00e7in Habur\u2019dan sonra siyasi soyk\u0131r\u0131m operasyonlar\u0131n\u0131 artt\u0131rd\u0131lar. 29 Mart se\u00e7imlerinden sonra neden siyasi soyk\u0131r\u0131m operasyonlar\u0131 yap\u0131ld\u0131ysa, Habur’dan sonra da siyasi soyk\u0131r\u0131m operasyonlar\u0131 ayn\u0131 nedenle yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu halka kendi \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm politikalar\u0131n\u0131 ya da kendi tasfiye etme politikalar\u0131n\u0131 kabul ettiremeyeceklerini g\u00f6rd\u00fckleri i\u00e7in bu halk\u0131 ezerek, zindanlara doldurarak kendi tasfiye politikalar\u0131n\u0131 kabul ettirecek duruma getirmek istediler. Bilmem Habur’da \u015f\u00f6yle tahrik yapt\u0131lar, i\u015fte bilmem Silvan’da tahrik yapt\u0131lar, \u015furada \u015funu yapt\u0131lar… Bunlar\u0131n hepsi hikayedir! Bahaneler arad\u0131lar. 12 Haziran se\u00e7imlerinden de K\u00fcrt demokratik hareketi b\u00fcy\u00fck bir ba\u015far\u0131yla \u00e7\u0131kmad\u0131 m\u0131? Kendi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fckleri \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fc kabul ettiremeyeceklerini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fckleri i\u00e7in 29 Mart se\u00e7imlerinden sonra, Habur’dan sonra hangi tepkiyi vermi\u015flerse, 12 Haziran se\u00e7imlerinden sonra da ayn\u0131s\u0131 oldu. Ge\u00e7mi\u015f d\u00f6nemde ya\u015fananlar\u0131n ve ortaya konulan tepkilerin izah\u0131 b\u00f6yle yap\u0131l\u0131rsa do\u011fru anla\u015f\u0131l\u0131r, yoksa do\u011fru anla\u015f\u0131lamaz.<\/p>\n
Hareket ad\u0131na sizden Oslo g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmelerinde kimler yer ald\u0131, kimlerle nas\u0131l g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcld\u00fc?<\/p>\n
Art\u0131k kamuoyu kimlerin kat\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 bildi\u011fi i\u00e7in belirtmekte sak\u0131nca yok. Hareketin y\u00f6netimi bir heyet tespit etti. Bu heyetle Oslo g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmelerine kat\u0131l\u0131nd\u0131. Daha \u00f6nce zaten b\u00f6yle bir s\u00fcre\u00e7 ba\u015flatmak i\u00e7in Hareketin y\u00f6netimiyle da\u011f alan\u0131nda baz\u0131 \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmeler yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. 2006’dan beri olgunla\u015fan bir durumdu. Yani \u0130ki-\u00fc\u00e7 y\u0131la dayanan \u00f6ncesi var. Oslo g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmesine heyet olarak Sozdar arkada\u015f, Avrupa\u2019dan KNK \u00dcyesi ve Diplomat Adem Uzun arkada\u015f ile yine D\u0131\u015fili\u015fkilerden sorumlu ve ayn\u0131 zamanda KCK Y\u00fcr\u00fctme Konseyi \u00dcyesi olan Z\u00fcbeyir Aydar arkada\u015f kat\u0131l\u0131yordu. Zaman zaman Remzi Kartal arkada\u015f\u0131m\u0131z da g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmelere kat\u0131ld\u0131. Birka\u00e7 g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmeden sonra da (3. G\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fme ile birlikte) Sabri Ok arkada\u015f da g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmelere kat\u0131ld\u0131. En son iki \u00fc\u00e7 g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmeye ben kat\u0131lmad\u0131m. Sabri Arkada\u015f kat\u0131ld\u0131. Onlar (devlet taraf\u0131) be\u015f-alt\u0131 ki\u015filik bir heyetle geliyorlard\u0131. Onlar ilk \u00f6nce devlet ad\u0131na geldiklerini s\u00f6yl\u00fcyorlard\u0131. Ondan sonraki s\u00fcre\u00e7te biraz s\u0131k\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131nca, ‘biz her \u015feyi bilemeyiz, devletin farkl\u0131 kurumlar\u0131 var’ diyerek \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm ad\u0131na somut yakla\u015f\u0131mlar i\u00e7ine giremediler. Devletin taahh\u00fct alt\u0131na girmesinden ziyade, daha \u00e7ok bizden istenen, ate\u015fkes olsun ortam sa\u011flans\u0131n, ortam sa\u011flan\u0131rsa, devlet baz\u0131 \u015feyleri yapar, gibi taleplerde bulunuyorlard\u0131.<\/p>\n
Ne gibi talepler?<\/p>\n
Siz ortam\u0131 yumu\u015fat\u0131rsan\u0131z dil, kimlik ve k\u00fclt\u00fcr konusunda devlet ad\u0131mlar atabilir, belli yumu\u015famalar olabilir diyorlard\u0131. \u00c7ok genel ge\u00e7er, somut olmayan ve K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n taleplerini kar\u015f\u0131lamayacak d\u00fczeydeydi. Somut \u015feyler s\u00f6ylemiyorlard\u0131. Biz her defas\u0131nda somut \u015feyler yapmak istiyorduk. Hatta biz her defas\u0131nda di\u011fer g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmelerde daha somut ad\u0131mlar\u0131 tart\u0131\u015fal\u0131m diyorduk, o da olmuyordu. Hatta biz baz\u0131 somut maddeleri koyuyorduk, devlet \u015funlar\u0131 \u015funlar\u0131 yapmal\u0131 diyorduk. En son \u00e7ok zorland\u0131lar, biz de 14 maddelik bir talepler manzumesi sunduk. Tamam biz bunlar\u0131 al\u0131r devlete g\u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fcr\u00fcz, dediler. G\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmeler \u00e7ok da \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm s\u00fcrecinin tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 gibi de\u011fildi. AKP H\u00fck\u00fcmeti’ne ve devlete ad\u0131m att\u0131rma konusunda \u00e7ok verimli ge\u00e7ti\u011fini s\u00f6yleyemeyiz. Asl\u0131nda \u00d6nderlik de biz de Hareket olarak AKP’nin ve devletin bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcme haz\u0131r olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcyorudk. Ortam\u0131 k\u0131smen de olsa yumu\u015fatarak, devleti toplumu \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcme haz\u0131rlamak, bu temelde de AKP’yi de acaba bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm s\u00fcrecine sokabilir miyiz, yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131yla hareket ettik. Yoksa Oslo g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmelerinden beli oluyordu ki, somut bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm politikalar\u0131 yok. Ama o g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmelerle biz ger\u00e7ekten de toplumu, devleti \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcme haz\u0131rlayabilir miyiz, AKP’yi b\u00f6yle bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcme zorlayabilir miyiz, yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131yla hareket ettik. Uluslararas\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7lere de bak\u0131n biz \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmden yanay\u0131z mesaj\u0131 vererek, onlar\u0131 da \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm s\u00fcrecinin destek\u00e7isi yapma yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 ile hareket ettik. AKP\u2019nin hi\u00e7 bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 halde \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fc zorlayan, \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm konusundaki yakla\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131 bu toplant\u0131larda g\u00f6steren hep biz olduk.<\/p>\n
\u00c7\u00f6z\u00fcm s\u00fcreci i\u00e7in herhangi bir takvim netle\u015ftirildi mi?<\/p>\n
G\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmelerde bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm takvimi belirlenmedi. Her defas\u0131nda bir dahaki sefer geldi\u011fimiz zaman \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm projesi ile gelelim. Siz de getirin, biz de getirelim, dedik. Ama onlar \u00f6yle bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm projesi ile gelmiyorlard\u0131. En son dedi\u011fim gibi biz 14 maddelik bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm taleplerimizi ortaya koyduk. Yani \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm i\u00e7in neyi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcz\u00fc ortaya koyan yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 sunmu\u015f olduk. Bu arada \u00d6nder Apo daha aktif devreye girdi. G\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmeleri sonuca do\u011fru g\u00f6t\u00fcren, bir projeye, \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm perspektifine ba\u011flayan yakla\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131 mektuplarla ad\u0131m ad\u0131m geli\u015ftirdi. 12 Haziran 2011 se\u00e7imleri \u00f6ncesi h\u00fck\u00fcmete sunulan protokoller b\u00f6yle ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131.<\/p>\n
Oslo ve \u0130mral\u0131\u2019da ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmelerde K\u00fcrt Halk \u00d6nderi ile mesaj al\u0131\u015f-veri\u015finiz nas\u0131l oluyordu?<\/p>\n
\u00d6nderlik ile mesaj al\u0131\u015f veri\u015fimiz \u015f\u00f6yle oluyordu. Yani o d\u00f6nem heyet geliyordu, mektuplar\u0131n\u0131 getiriyordu. Biz de o heyetle toplant\u0131n\u0131n sonu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6nderiyorduk. O d\u00f6nemde bu mektuplar\u0131n gidi\u015finde geli\u015finde bir s\u0131k\u0131nt\u0131 yaratm\u0131yorlard\u0131. Bazen daha geni\u015f yaz\u0131larak, bazen de daha k\u0131sa yaz\u0131larak g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fme sonras\u0131 notlar g\u00f6nderiliyordu. O s\u00fcre\u00e7te arac\u0131lar da mektuplar g\u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fcp getiriyorlard\u0131. Dedi\u011fim gibi uluslararas\u0131 bir kurum arac\u0131l\u0131k yap\u0131yordu. Zaten hemen hemen her g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fme \u00f6ncesi o arac\u0131lar, hem gidip T\u00fcrk devleti ile hem de bizimle g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcyorlard\u0131. Bir nevi yeni g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmenin ortam\u0131n\u0131 haz\u0131rl\u0131yorlard\u0131. B\u00f6yle bir trafik vard\u0131. O trafik herhangi bir aksamaya u\u011framadan 2011\u2019in yaz\u0131na kadar s\u00fcrd\u00fc.
\u0130ngiltere\u2019nin garant\u00f6r devlet olarak g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmelerde yar ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 bas\u0131na yans\u0131d\u0131, bu do\u011fru mu?
Biz b\u00f6yle bir \u015feyi kesin s\u00f6yleyemeyiz. O g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fme heyetinin i\u00e7inde \u0130ngiliz k\u00f6kenliler de vard\u0131. Ba\u015fka k\u00f6kenliler de vard\u0131. Hatta g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmeye kat\u0131lan Asya k\u00f6kenli de vard\u0131. Ama do\u011frudan devletle ger\u00e7ekten de ili\u015fkili midir buna bir \u015fey diyemeyiz. Norve\u00e7 devleti i\u00e7inde oldu\u011funa g\u00f6re, belki Norve\u00e7 \u00fczeri de bu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmelerle baz\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck devletler ili\u015fkili olabilir. BM Konseyi olan Avrupal\u0131 devletlerin ve ABD’nin bu t\u00fcr g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmelerin arkas\u0131nda oldu\u011fu hep s\u00f6ylenir. Herhalde bu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmelerle iligilenen bu t\u00fcr g\u00fc\u00e7ler vard\u0131r ama garant\u00f6rl\u00fck gibi herhangi bir durum yoktur. Yani \u00f6yle bir \u015fey olmad\u0131. Biz esas olarak arac\u0131 heyeti biliyoruz. Olsa olsa baz\u0131 tahminler s\u00f6ylenebililir.<\/p>\n
Protokoller konusu var, bas\u0131n da \u00e7ok i\u015fledi, Oslo’da ya da \u0130mral\u0131’da ka\u00e7 protokol haz\u0131rland\u0131? Bu protokoller hangi konular\u0131 kaps\u0131yordu? Devlet neden imzalamad\u0131?
Bu protokolleri \u00d6nderlik haz\u0131rlad\u0131. Yani Oslo g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmeleri s\u00fcrecinde en son g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmelerde de arkada\u015flar \u00d6nderli\u011fe bilgi veriyorlar. Zaten bilgi al\u0131\u015fveri\u015fi s\u00fcrekli oluyordu. B\u00fct\u00fcn g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmelerin sonucunda \u00d6nder Apo \u00fc\u00e7 protokol haz\u0131rlad\u0131. San\u0131r\u0131m 2011\u2019in Nisan ay\u0131nda bize geldi. Biz her \u00fc\u00e7 protokol\u00fc de uygun g\u00f6rd\u00fck, onaylad\u0131k. Sadece bir iki maddesine de\u011fi\u015fiklik yapt\u0131k, eklemeler yapt\u0131k. Nas\u0131l ki bu son gelen mektuplarda esas\u0131n\u0131 de\u011fi\u015ftirmeden baz\u0131 r\u00f6tu\u015flar\u0131 yapt\u0131ysak, o zaman da b\u00f6yle bir iki madde konusunda g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerimizi belirttik. Temelde \u00fc\u00e7 protokol vard\u0131, anayasal \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm, bar\u0131\u015f ve hakkikatleri ara\u015ft\u0131rma protokol\u00fcyd\u00fc. Yani ge\u00e7mi\u015fte ya\u015fanan cinayetleri ara\u015ft\u0131ran bir komisyon da kurulacakt\u0131.
12 Haziran 2011 se\u00e7imlerden \u00f6nce Oslo\u2019da bir g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fme daha olacakt\u0131. Fakat o g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fme olmad\u0131. Devletin haz\u0131r olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00f6ylendi. Se\u00e7imden \u00f6nce olmas\u0131 gereken g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fme olmad\u0131 ve zaten se\u00e7imden sonra da hi\u00e7 g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fme olmad\u0131. Oslo g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmeleri se\u00e7imden \u00f6nce bitti. \u00d6nder Apo\u2019nun sundu\u011fu protokolleri h\u00fck\u00fcmetin de kabul etmeyece\u011fi belli oldu. H\u00fck\u00fcmetin o g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmeleri onaylamad\u0131\u011f\u0131 arac\u0131lar vas\u0131tas\u0131yla duyuruldu. Arac\u0131lar geldiler, devletin bu protokollerin alt\u0131na resmi olarak imza atmayacaklar\u0131n\u0131, s\u00f6ylediler. O zaman da anla\u015f\u0131ld\u0131 ki, bir taahh\u00fct alt\u0131na girmeyecekler.<\/p>\n
\u00c7\u00f6z\u00fcm aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131n\u0131zda Oslo g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmeleri ne anlam ifade ediyor?<\/p>\n
Oslo g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmeleri tabi \u015funu ifade ediyor devletin ve AKP\u2019nin \u00e7ok s\u0131k\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131. Devlet ve AKP s\u0131k\u0131\u015fmasayd\u0131, oyalama d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi ile de olsa -ki biraz \u00f6yleydi- b\u00f6yle bir g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fme i\u00e7ine girmezdi. S\u0131k\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in devlet bu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmeleri kabul etti. Di\u011fer yandan uluslararas\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7ler de -ki o g\u00fcne kadar PKK ter\u00f6ristir, \u015f\u00f6yledir b\u00f6yledir bi\u00e7imindeki politikalar\u0131na ra\u011fmen-, PKK ile T\u00fcrkiye aras\u0131nda ya\u015fanan bu sorunda arabulucu olma, giri\u015fimlerine bulunmu\u015flard\u0131r. Yani onlarda da PKK\u2019ye kar\u015f\u0131 beli bir yakla\u015f\u0131m de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011fi olmu\u015ftur. Bu m\u00fccadelenin etkili bi\u00e7imde s\u00fcrmesi, b\u00fct\u00fcn tasfiye hareketlerine ra\u011fmen, bu tasfiye sald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 hem T\u00fcrk devleti, hem de uluslararas\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7ler ortak yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 halde ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve PKK\u2019n\u0131n sadece Kuzey K\u00fcrdistan da de\u011fil, b\u00fct\u00fcn par\u00e7alarda K\u00fcrtlerin \u00fczerinde etkili oldu\u011funun g\u00f6r\u00fclmesi sonucu b\u00f6yle bir g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fme ba\u015flad\u0131. Yani K\u00fcrt \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck Hareketi’nin m\u00fccadelesinin ulusal alanda ve uslulararas\u0131 alanda etkili hale geldi\u011fini, muhatap bir g\u00fc\u00e7 oldu\u011funu ortaya koymu\u015ftur. Bizim a\u00e7\u0131m\u0131zdan e\u011fer bir d\u00f6neme\u00e7 anlam\u0131nda ifade edilecekse b\u00f6yle s\u00f6ylenebilir.<\/p>\n
Oslo g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmelerinde masay\u0131 devirenin PKK oldu\u011fu s\u00f6yleniyor. Buna da Silvan’da ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen olay \u00f6rnek g\u00f6steriliyor. Masay\u0131 siz mi devirdiniz?
G\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmeler 4 y\u0131la yak\u0131n s\u00fcrd\u00fc. Herhalde sekiz-dokuz g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fme olmu\u015ftur. Devletin \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm politikas\u0131 olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 halde Oslo g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmelerini \u0131srarla s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fck. Sonu\u00e7 \u00e7\u0131kmay\u0131nca 2010\u2019un 31 May\u0131s\u0131 4. M\u00fccadele D\u00f6nemi dedi\u011fimiz Devrimci Halk Sava\u015f\u0131 s\u00fcre<\/p>\n
<\/p>\n
TANI\u011eI, SANI\u011eI VE DAVACISIYIZ \u2013 \u00d6zg\u00fcr G\u00fcndem<\/p>\n
22 Nisan, K\u00fcrt gazetecili\u011finin 115. y\u0131ld\u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fc. Ne tesad\u00fcft\u00fcr ki 22 Nisan ayn\u0131 zamanda K\u00fcrt gazetecilerin yarg\u0131land\u0131\u011f\u0131 davan\u0131n da tarihi. Davalar\u0131 ba\u015flayan arkada\u015flar\u0131m\u0131z, \u2018Kar\u015f\u0131n\u0131za K\u00fcrt gazetecilik tarihinin 115. y\u0131ld\u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fcnde \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f bulunuyoruz\u2019 s\u00f6zleriyle savunmaya ba\u015flad\u0131<\/p>\n
GAZETEC\u0130LER G\u00dcN\u00dc\u2019NDE GAZETEC\u0130 YARGILANIYOR<\/p>\n
22 Nisan 1898\u2019de K\u00fcrdistan Gazetesi\u2019nin yay\u0131n\u0131yla ba\u015flayan K\u00fcrt \u00f6zg\u00fcr bas\u0131n gelene\u011fi, 22 Nisan\u2019\u0131 K\u00fcrt Gazeteciler G\u00fcn\u00fc olarak kutluyor. Bu y\u0131l K\u00fcrt gazetecilerin davas\u0131 da ayn\u0131 g\u00fcn ba\u015flad\u0131. Gazeteciler, Ap\u00ea Musa\u2019n\u0131n s\u00f6zleriyle savunmaya ba\u015flarken, yerli ve yabanc\u0131 heyetler, yarg\u0131lamay\u0131 k\u0131nad\u0131<\/p>\n
TUTUKLU GAZETEC\u0130LER HEMEN BIRAKILSIN<\/p>\n
Tutuklu arkada\u015flar\u0131m\u0131z yapt\u0131klar\u0131 savunmada, \u201cBize y\u00f6nelik operasyon, siyasi kararla ba\u015flat\u0131ld\u0131. Bu dava ifade ve \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn yarg\u0131lanmas\u0131d\u0131r, gazetecilik mesle\u011finin su\u00e7lanmas\u0131d\u0131r, en \u00f6nemlisi de K\u00fcrt \u00d6zg\u00fcr Bas\u0131n\u0131\u2019n\u0131 mahkum etme giri\u015fimidir dedi <\/p>\n
BA\u015eI D\u0130K VE ONURLU<\/p>\n
K\u00fcrt gazetecili\u011finin 115. y\u0131ld\u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fc dolay\u0131s\u0131yla bir a\u00e7\u0131klama yapan KCK Bas\u0131n ve \u0130leti\u015fim Komitesi, tutuklu gazetecilerin serbest b\u0131rak\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 isterken, K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n bas\u0131n alan\u0131ndaki \u201c\u00f6zg\u00fcr ve \u201cba\u015f\u0131 dik duru\u015fu ile de Ortado\u011fu\u2019da \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fck yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 vurgulad\u0131<\/p>\n
Tan\u0131\u011f\u0131 san\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve davac\u0131s\u0131y\u0131z<\/p>\n
Kahire\u2019de 22 Nisan 1898 tarihinde K\u00fcrdistan Gazetesi\u2019nin yay\u0131n\u0131yla ba\u015flayan K\u00fcrt \u00d6zg\u00fcr Bas\u0131n gelene\u011fi, her y\u0131l 22 Nisan\u2019\u0131 K\u00fcrt Gazeteciler G\u00fcn\u00fc olarak kutluyor. Bu y\u0131l tutuklu K\u00fcrt gazetecilerin davas\u0131 da ayn\u0131 g\u00fcn g\u00f6r\u00fclmeye ba\u015fland\u0131. Savunma yapan gazeteciler, davan\u0131n siyasi oldu\u011funa dikkati \u00e7ekti.<\/p>\n
K\u00fcrt bas\u0131n kurumlar\u0131na 2011 y\u0131l\u0131nda \u201cKCK ad\u0131 alt\u0131nda yap\u0131lan bask\u0131nlar\u0131n ard\u0131ndan haklar\u0131nda dava a\u00e7\u0131lan 26\u2019s\u0131 tutuklu 46 gazeteci arkada\u015f\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n yarg\u0131land\u0131\u011f\u0131 davan\u0131n 4\u2019\u00fcnc\u00fc duru\u015fmas\u0131 d\u00fcn Silivri Cezaevi Yerle\u015fkesi\u2019nde bulunan \u0130stanbul 15. A\u011f\u0131r Ceza Mahkemesi\u2019nde g\u00f6r\u00fclmeye ba\u015fland\u0131. Duru\u015fmay\u0131, Almanya Gazeteciler Sendikas\u0131 y\u00f6neticisi Joachim Legotis, RSF \u00fcyesi Johann Bihr, Ye\u015filler Br\u00fcksel Milletvekili Jean Claude Defusse, Merkez Demokrat H\u00fcmanist Parti \u00fcyesi 2 milletvekili, BDP Milletvekilleri Sebahat Tuncel ve M\u00fclkiye Birtane, \u0130stanbul Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z Milletvekili Levent T\u00fczel, Gazetecilere \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck Platformu Temsilcisi Kaan Karc\u0131l\u0131o\u011flu, TGS Genel Ba\u015fkan\u0131 Ercan \u0130pek\u00e7i, TGC y\u00f6neticileri ve gazetecilerin aileleri ile arkada\u015flar\u0131 takip etti. Duru\u015fmada, dosyalar\u0131 bu dava ile birle\u015ftirilen tutuklu gazeteci Mikail Barut ve firari san\u0131k \u0130smet Kayhan\u2019\u0131n iddianameleri okundu.<\/p>\n
Musa Anter unutulmad\u0131!<\/p>\n
Terc\u00fcman e\u015fli\u011finde K\u00fcrt\u00e7e kimlik tespitinin yap\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 duru\u015fmada, gazetecilerin ortak haz\u0131rlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 savunmay\u0131 tutuklu gazeteci Ertu\u015f Bozkurt, Kurmanc\u00ee olarak sundu. Bozkurt, katledilen K\u00fcrt bilge Musa Anter\u2019e at\u0131fta bulunarak, \u201cSiyasi soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131n tan\u0131\u011f\u0131, san\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve davac\u0131s\u0131y\u0131z dedi. K\u00fcrt Gazeteciler G\u00fcn\u00fc\u2019n\u00fcn 115\u2019inci y\u0131ld\u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fcnde yarg\u0131land\u0131klar\u0131na dikkat \u00e7eken Bozkurt, \u201cBug\u00fcn \u015fahs\u0131nda K\u00fcrt gazetecili\u011fine katk\u0131 sunan, bu u\u011furda emek ve bedel \u00f6deyen herkese sonsuz \u015f\u00fckranlar\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 ileterek s\u00f6zlerimize ba\u015fl\u0131yoruz dedi. \u201cHer \u015feyin anormal oldu\u011fu yerde normal olan da anormal g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr diye devam eden Bozkurt, \u201cSay\u0131n yarg\u0131\u00e7lar, ilk bak\u0131\u015fta bize \u00e7ok da anlaml\u0131 gelmeyen bu t\u00fcr s\u00f6ylemler bazen mevcut durumu iyi izah eder. Bu vesileyle bug\u00fcn burada yarg\u0131lanan kim, yarg\u0131layan kim, herhalde bunun karar\u0131n\u0131 tarih verecek ve bu hakikat tarih sayfalar\u0131nda yerini alacak dedi.<\/p>\n
Hukuki savunma anlams\u0131z<\/p>\n
Hukuki bir savunma yapmayacaklar\u0131n\u0131 ifade eden Bozkurt, \u201cBu anlams\u0131z, haks\u0131z, hukuk d\u0131\u015f\u0131 su\u00e7lama kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda savunma yapmam\u0131z hem mesle\u011fimiz ve temsil etti\u011fimiz de\u011ferler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan hem de hakikate olan ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z nedeniyle anlams\u0131z olacakt\u0131r. Kald\u0131 ki bizi siyasi yakla\u015f\u0131m ve kararlarla yarg\u0131layanlar herhalde bizden hukuki bir savunma da beklemiyorlard\u0131r dedi. Bu davan\u0131n AKP iktidar\u0131n\u0131n siyasi kararlar\u0131, toplumsal m\u00fchendislik projeleri ve topyek\u00fcn K\u00fcrt muhalefetini tasfiye ama\u00e7l\u0131 bir stratejinin \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirten Bozkurt, \u201cHaz\u0131rlanan dosya y\u00fcr\u00fctmenin, siyasi karar al\u0131c\u0131lar\u0131n, medyan\u0131n bir kesiminin ve say\u0131n savc\u0131n\u0131n ortak yap\u0131m\u0131d\u0131r dedi.<\/p>\n
\u0130fade \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc yarg\u0131lan\u0131yor<\/p>\n
Bozkurt, \u015f\u00f6yle devam etti: \u201cBu dava hangi a\u00e7\u0131dan de\u011ferlendirilirse de\u011ferlendirilsin, d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceyi ifade ve \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn yarg\u0131lanmas\u0131d\u0131r, bas\u0131n ve gazetecilik mesle\u011finin su\u00e7lanmas\u0131d\u0131r, en \u00f6nemlisi de K\u00fcrt \u00d6zg\u00fcr Bas\u0131n\u0131\u2019n\u0131 topyek\u00fcn mahkum etme giri\u015fimidir. Bu bizim al\u0131\u015f\u0131k oldu\u011fumuz, bildi\u011fimiz, ancak her seferinde akamete u\u011frayan bir iktidar al\u0131\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131d\u0131r. Bu tarihsel ger\u00e7ekli\u011fi ifade etmek i\u00e7in de say\u0131n savc\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan bilin\u00e7li bir \u015fekilde buland\u0131r\u0131lan suyu berrakla\u015ft\u0131rmam\u0131z gerekiyor. <\/p>\n
Bozkurt savunmada, ana ak\u0131m medya \u00fczerine de de\u011ferlendirmelerde bulunarak, iktidar-medya, iktidar-toplum ve medya ili\u015fkileri \u00fczerine sunumlar yapt\u0131. \u0130leti\u015fim bilimcilerden \u00f6rnekler veren Bozkurt, \u201cAna ak\u0131m medya iktidar\u0131n r\u0131za imal makinesidir dedi ve kendi gazetecilik faaliyetlerinin \u201canormal gazetecilik olarak g\u00f6sterilmesinin de bu farktan kaynakland\u0131\u011f\u0131na i\u015faret etti.<\/p>\n
Mahkemeye gazetecilik dersi<\/p>\n
McLuhan\u2019\u0131n \u201cMedya Denetimi , Frankfurt Okulu\u2019nun \u201cK\u00fclt\u00fcr End\u00fcstrisi K\u00fclt\u00fcrel Manip\u00fclasyon ve \u201c\u0130leti\u015fimsel Eylem Kuram\u0131 , Noam Chomsky\u2019nin \u201cMedya Denetimi gibi tezlerin alternatif ve muhalif medyan\u0131n demokrasi, hak ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fcklerinin \u00e7eli\u015fmesi ve korunmas\u0131 i\u00e7in gereklili\u011fine vurgu yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirten Bozkurt, bu kuramlar ekseninde yay\u0131n ilke ve ahlak\u0131n\u0131 temel hatlar\u0131 ile s\u0131ralad\u0131 ve mahkemeye gazetecilik dersi verdi. Bozkurt, 28 sayfa olarak haz\u0131rlanan ortak savunman\u0131n 10\u2019uncu sayfas\u0131na kadar\u0131n\u0131 sunabildi. Ard\u0131ndan duru\u015fmaya ara veren mahkeme heyeti, bug\u00fcn resmi tatil oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in duru\u015fmay\u0131 yar\u0131na (\u00c7ar\u015famba) erteledi.<\/p>\n
Gazetecilerin yarg\u0131lanmas\u0131n\u0131 k\u0131n\u0131yoruz<\/p>\n
Gazeteci arkada\u015flar\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n duru\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 takip etmek \u00fczere T\u00fcrkiye\u2019ye gelen Avrupal\u0131 meslek \u00f6rg\u00fctleri, gazeteciler ve milletvekilleri ile BDP, duru\u015fma salonu \u00f6n\u00fcnde yapt\u0131klar\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131klamada, gazetecilerin yarg\u0131lamas\u0131n\u0131 k\u0131nayarak, bu konuda gerekli \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 y\u00fcr\u00fcteceklerini s\u00f6yledi. S\u0131n\u0131r Tan\u0131mayan Gazeteciler \u00d6rg\u00fct\u00fc (RSF) Temsilcisi Johann Bihr, \u201cBu tutuklama ve bask\u0131lar\u0131n son bulmas\u0131 i\u00e7in gerekli \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrece\u011fiz dedi. Almanya Gazeteciler Sendikas\u0131 y\u00f6neticisi Joachim Legotis ise, \u201cGazetecilik faaliyetlerinin \u00f6zg\u00fcr y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclmesi i\u00e7in gerekli \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcyoruz. Meslekta\u015flar\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n bu \u015fekilde yarg\u0131lamas\u0131n\u0131 k\u0131n\u0131yoruz diye konu\u015ftu. Avrupa\u2019dan gelen milletvekillerinden Bel\u00e7ika Ye\u015filler Partisi Br\u00fcksel Milletvekili Jean Claude Defusse, Merkez Demokrat H\u00fcmanist Parti Milletvekili Andre du Bus de Warnaffe ve Bel\u00e7ika\u2019dan gelen bir di\u011fer milletvekili Fatoumata Sidibe ise, \u201c\u00dclkemize d\u00f6nd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fczde \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131m\u0131zla ya\u015fananlar\u0131 aktarmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015faca\u011f\u0131z dediler.<\/p>\n
KCK Gazeteciler G\u00fcn\u00fc\u2019n\u00fc kutlad\u0131<\/p>\n
ANF\u2019nin ge\u00e7ti\u011fi habere g\u00f6re, K\u00fcrt gazetecili\u011finin 115. y\u0131ld\u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fc dolay\u0131s\u0131yla bir a\u00e7\u0131klama yapan KCK Bas\u0131n ve \u0130leti\u015fim Komitesi, tutuklu gazetecilerin serbest b\u0131rak\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 isterken, K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n bas\u0131n alan\u0131ndaki \u201c\u00f6zg\u00fcr ve \u201cba\u015f\u0131 dik duru\u015fu ile de Ortado\u011fu\u2019da \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fck yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 vurgulad\u0131. KCK, K\u00fcrt Gazeteciler G\u00fcn\u00fc\u2019n\u00fc kutlad\u0131. BDP de \u201c115 y\u0131l \u00f6nce K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n sesi ve solu\u011fu olma iddias\u0131 ile yola \u00e7\u0131kan K\u00fcrdistan gazetesinin kurulu\u015fu ba\u015fta K\u00fcrt gazetecileri ve bas\u0131n emek\u00e7ileri olmak \u00fczere b\u00fct\u00fcn K\u00fcrtlere kutlu olsun dedi. BDP, b\u00f6yle bir g\u00fcnde K\u00fcrt gazetecilerin yarg\u0131lan\u0131yor olmas\u0131n\u0131n ise T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin ay\u0131b\u0131 oldu\u011funu kaydetti.<\/p>\n
Miras s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fcl\u00fcyor<\/p>\n
22 Nisan K\u00fcrt Gazeteciler G\u00fcn\u00fc\u2019n\u00fc kutlayan Avrupa K\u00fcrt Gazeteciler \u0130nisiyatifi 18 May\u0131s\u2019ta yapacaklar\u0131 konferansa kat\u0131l\u0131m \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131nda bulundu. \u0130nisiyatif\u2019ten yap\u0131lan a\u00e7\u0131klamada, ba\u015fta cezaevindeki gazeteciler olmak \u00fczere t\u00fcm bas\u0131n emek\u00e7ilerinin K\u00fcrt gazeteciler G\u00fcn\u00fc kutlanarak, 115 y\u0131l \u00f6nce 22 Nisan\u2019da yay\u0131n hayat\u0131na ba\u015flayan K\u00fcrdistan gazetesinin miras\u0131n\u0131n bug\u00fcn de \u00f6zg\u00fcr bas\u0131n gelene\u011finin izinden giden K\u00fcrt gazeteciler taraf\u0131ndan s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fcne dikkat \u00e7ekildi.<\/p>\n
Baas rejimi Afr\u00een\u2019i bombalad\u0131 \u2013 \u00d6zg\u00fcr G\u00fcndem<\/p>\n
Suriye rejimi Rojava\u2019da Afr\u00een\u2019in \u015eerava nahiyesine ba\u011fl\u0131 baz\u0131 k\u00f6yleri 21 Nisan\u2019\u0131n sabah saatlerinde bombalad\u0131. Bombalamada en az bir \u00e7ocuk \u00f6l\u00fcrken, \u00e7ok say\u0131da ki\u015fi yaraland\u0131. K\u00f6ylere y\u00f6nelik karadan operasyon ba\u015flat\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 bildiriliyor.<\/p>\n
D\u00fcn sabah saat alt\u0131dan itibaren Afrin’in \u015eerava il\u00e7esine ba\u011fl\u0131 Mezin ve Ziyaret k\u00f6yleri rejim taraf\u0131ndan bombalamaya ba\u015flad\u0131.\u00a0 Gelen ilk bilgilere g\u00f6re Ziyaret K\u00f6y\u00fc’nde 10 ya\u015f\u0131ndaki Vahit Ahmet hayat\u0131n\u0131 kaybederken, a\u011fabeyi Mahmut Ahmet ve dedesi yaraland\u0131. K\u00f6yde \u00e7ok say\u0131da yaral\u0131 oldu\u011fu bildiriliyor. Bombard\u0131man nedeniyle yaral\u0131lar\u0131n k\u00f6yden halen \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lamad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bildirildi.<\/p>\n
K\u00f6ylere 60’tan fazla top havan tank mermisinin d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fc belirtiliyor. Yakla\u015f\u0131k bir saat \u00f6nce rejim g\u00fc\u00e7lerinin Mezin, G\u00f6\u00e7 Haze, Ziyaret, Akib\u00ea, Berad\u00ea, Kefernebu, K\u0131nitre, Meyasi k\u00f6ylerini i\u00e7ine alan b\u00f6lgede karadan sald\u0131r\u0131ya ge\u00e7mek i\u00e7in harekete ge\u00e7ti\u011fi \u00f6\u011frenildi.<\/p>\n
K\u00f6ylere do\u011fru hareket eden g\u00fc\u00e7ler i\u00e7erisinde \u0130ran’\u0131n paramiliter g\u00fc\u00e7leri olan Besic’lerin de yer ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 y\u00f6n\u00fcnde bilgiler geliyor.<\/p>\n
<\/p>\n
Rej\u00eema Suriy\u00ea d\u00eesa \u00ear\u00ee\u015f\u00ee gundan kir: Zarokek mir – ANHA<\/p>\n
H\u00eaz\u00ean rej\u00eema Suriy\u00ea \u00fb al\u00eegir\u00ean w\u00ea, bi top\u00ean hawan\u00ea \u00ear\u00ee\u015f\u00ee gund\u00ean Ziyaret \u00fb Gund\u00ea Mezin \u00ean gir\u00eaday\u00ee Nav\u00e7eya \u015e\u00earawa ya Efr\u00een\u00ea kirin. Di encama \u00ear\u00ee\u015fa ku 60 top li herdu gundan ketin de ji heman malbat\u00ea zarokek\u00ee 9 sal\u00ee jiyana xwe ji dest da \u00fb 3 kes j\u00ee bir\u00eendar b\u00fbn.<\/p>\n
Li gor\u00ee agahiy\u00ean ji \u00e7avkaniy\u00ean her\u00eam\u00ea hatine girtin di saet\u00ean ser\u00ea sibeh\u00ea de rej\u00eema Suriy\u00ea \u00fb al\u00eegir\u00ean w\u00ea ji bajarok\u00ean Nibil \u00fb Zehra bi hawanan \u00ear\u00ee\u015f\u00ee gund\u00ean Ziyaret \u00fb Gund\u00ea Mezin \u00ean gir\u00eaday\u00ee nav\u00e7eya \u015e\u00earawa ya Efr\u00een\u00ea kirin. Di encama \u00ear\u00ee\u015fa ku 60 hawan li herdu gundan ketin de, ji heman malbat\u00ea zarok\u00ea bi nav\u00ea Weh\u00eed Ehmed (9) dema ji ber topbaran\u00ea direviya, jiyana xwe ji dest da, biray\u00ea w\u00ee Mehmud Ehmed (21), day\u00eeka wan Emel \u015eeebo \u00fb bap\u00eer\u00ea wan Wel\u00eed \u00cebrah\u00eem Ehmed j\u00ee bir\u00eendar b\u00fbn.<\/p>\n
Ji ber \u00ear\u00ee\u015fan \u015f\u00eaniy\u00ean gund ber\u00ea xwe dan gund\u00ean Gorzel\u00ea \u00fb G\u00eemar\u00ea y\u00ean \u015e\u00earawa. Hate ragihandin ku h\u00eaz\u00ean rej\u00eem\u00ea bi al\u00eekariya mil\u00ees\u00ean \u00ceran\u00ee li dora gund\u00ean Bir\u00e7qas, Gund\u00ea Mezin, Berad, Ziyaret, Qun\u00eatra, Kefernibil, Aq\u00eeb\u00ea \u00fb Meyas\u00ea kom dibin.<\/p>\n
Li aliy\u00ea din Yek\u00eeney\u00ean Parastina Gel (YPG) j\u00ee li heman gundan tedb\u00eer\u00ean xwe z\u00eade kirine, l\u00ea heta niha tu agahiy\u00ean pev\u00e7\u00fbnan nehatine.<\/p>\n
Di v\u00ea navber\u00ea de balefir\u00ean \u015fer gund\u00ea D\u00earcemal \u00ea gir\u00eaday\u00ee her\u00eama Ezaz\u00ea j\u00ee bombebaran kir, l\u00ea derbar\u00ea encam\u00ean bombebaran\u00ea de agah\u00ee nehatin bidestxistin.<\/p>\n
Pi\u015ft\u00ee topbaran\u00ea li bajarom\u00ean Nibil \u00fb Zehra di navbera Art\u00ea\u015fa Azad \u00fb h\u00eaz\u00ean rej\u00eem\u00ea de \u015fer derket. Hate ragihandin ku \u015fer h\u00een didome.<\/p>\n
Aligir\u00ean rej\u00eem\u00ea y\u00ean li Nibil \u00fb Zehra duh j\u00ee riya Efr\u00een \u00fb Heleb\u00ea girtib\u00fbn.<\/p>\n
<\/p>\n
Tutuklu gazetecilere uluslararas\u0131 destek \u2013 Etkin Haber Ajans\u0131<\/p>\n
“KCK Bas\u0131n Davas\u0131”n\u0131 izlemek i\u00e7in gelen uluslararas\u0131 heyet ve milletvekilleri, hukuksuzlu\u011fa son verilerek, tutuklu gazetecilerin serbest b\u0131rak\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 istedi.
\u00a0
“KCK Bas\u0131n Davas\u0131”n\u0131n 4. duru\u015fmas\u0131na Silivri Adliyesi’nde devam ediliyor.<\/p>\n
Duru\u015fmay\u0131 izlemek i\u00e7in gelen Bel\u00e7ika Parlamentosu’ndan senat\u00f6r Andre du Bus de Warnaffe, milletvekilleri Jean-Claude Defosse ve Fatoumata Sidibe, RSF’den Johanr Bihr, Almanya Gazeteciler Sendikas\u0131’ndan Joachimm Legatis ve Almanya \u00d6\u011frenci Gazetesi’nden Friederick Mayers’in de i\u00e7inde oldu\u011fu uluslararas\u0131 heyet, BDP Kars Milletvekili M\u00fclkiye Birtane ve T\u00fcrkiye Gazeteciler Sendikas\u0131 Genel Ba\u015fkan\u0131 Ercan \u0130pek\u00e7i ve Gazetecilere \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck Platformu d\u00f6nem s\u00f6zc\u00fcs\u00fc Kaan Karc\u0131l\u0131o\u011flu duru\u015fma salonu \u00f6n\u00fcnde a\u00e7\u0131klama yapt\u0131.
G\u00d6P D\u00f6nem S\u00f6zc\u00fcs\u00fc Kaan Karc\u0131l\u0131o\u011flu, gazetecilerin gazetecilik g\u00f6revlerini yapabilmelerini sa\u011flamak i\u00e7in duru\u015fmaya geldiklerini belirtti.<\/p>\n
RSF Avrupa Direkt\u00f6r\u00fc Johann Bihr, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de “tedbir” anlam\u0131nda tutukluluklar\u0131n taciz boyutunu \u00e7oktan a\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirterek, T\u00fcrkiye’nin en \u00e7ok gazetecinin tutuklu oldu\u011fu \u00fclkeler aras\u0131nda yer ald\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yledi, tutuklu gazetecilerin b\u0131rak\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 istedi.<\/p>\n
Bel\u00e7ika Parlamentosu\u2019ndan gelen milletvekilleri, tutuklu gazetecilerle dayan\u0131\u015fma i\u00e7erisinde olduklar\u0131n\u0131 ve bu duruma son vermek i\u00e7in Avrupa\u2019da m\u00fccadele y\u00fcr\u00fcteceklerini ifade etti.<\/p>\n
Almanya Gazeteciler Sendikas\u0131 y\u00f6neticisi Joachim Lepatis, “Gazeteciler hi\u00e7bir zaman gazetecilikten yarg\u0131lanamaz. \u00d6zg\u00fcr ifade her yerde olmal\u0131, ya\u015fananlar\u0131 k\u0131n\u0131yoruz” dedi.<\/p>\n
BDP Kars milletvekili M\u00fclkiye Birtane, gazetecilerin siyasi kararla tutuklu olduklar\u0131n\u0131 ve bas\u0131n alan\u0131nda d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ifade ederek, tutuklular\u0131n serbest b\u0131rak\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 istedi.<\/p>\n
<\/p>\n
R\u00eaj\u00eema S\u00fbriy\u00ea gund\u00ean Efr\u00een\u00ea topbaran dike – Xendan<\/p>\n
H\u00eaz\u00ean rej\u00eema Suriy\u00ea \u00fb al\u00eegir\u00ean w\u00ea, bi top\u00ean hawan\u00ea \u00ear\u00ee\u015f\u00ee gund\u00ea Ziyaret\u00ea ya Efr\u00een\u00ea kirin. Di encama topbaran\u00ea de zarokek\u00ee 9 sal\u00ee jiyana xwe ji dest da \u00fb 3 kes j\u00ee bir\u00eendar b\u00fbn.<\/p>\n
Li gor\u00ee agahiy\u00ean ji \u00e7avkaniy\u00ean her\u00eam\u00ee hatine girtin \u00eero 22\/4\/2013`an, di demjim\u00ear\u00ean ser\u00ea sibeh\u00ea de, rej\u00eema Suriy\u00ea \u00fb al\u00eegir\u00ean w\u00ea ji bajarok\u00ean Nibil \u00fb Zehra bi hawanan \u00ear\u00ee\u015f\u00ee gund\u00ea Ziyaret\u00ea ya gir\u00eaday\u00ee nav\u00e7eya \u015e\u00earawa ya Efr\u00een\u00ea kirin.<\/p>\n
Her weha di encama \u00ear\u00ee\u015fa ku z\u00eadetir\u00ee 40 hawan li gund ketine de, zarok\u00ea bi nav\u00ea Weh\u00eed Ehmed y\u00ea (9) sal\u00ee, dema ji ber topbaran\u00ea direviya, jiyana xwe ji dest da. Ji heman malbat\u00ea Mehmud Ehmed (21) sal\u00ee, day\u00eeka wan Emel \u015ee`bo \u00fb bap\u00eer\u00ea wan Wel\u00eed \u00cebrah\u00eem Ehmed j\u00ee bir\u00eendar b\u00fbne.<\/p>\n
Ji ber \u00ear\u00ee\u015fan \u015f\u00eaniy\u00ean gund ber\u00ea xwe dan gund\u00ean Gorzel\u00ea \u00fb K\u00eemar\u00ea y\u00ean ser bi her\u00eama \u015e\u00earawa`y\u00ea.<\/p>\n
Di v\u00ea navber\u00ea de balefir\u00ean \u015fer gund\u00ea D\u00earcemal \u00ea gir\u00eaday\u00ee her\u00eama Ezaz\u00ea j\u00ee bombebaran kirin, l\u00ea derbar\u00ea encam\u00ean bombebaran\u00ea de agah\u00ee nehatin bi dest xistin.<\/p>\n
Pi\u015ft\u00ee topbaran\u00ea li bajarom\u00ean Nibil \u00fb Zehra di navbera Art\u00ea\u015fa Azad \u00fb h\u00eaz\u00ean rej\u00eem\u00ea de \u015fer derket. Hate ragihandin ku \u015fer h\u00een didome.<\/p>\n
Aligir\u00ean rej\u00eem\u00ea y\u00ean li Nibil \u00fb Zehra duh 21\/4, j\u00ee r\u00eaya Efr\u00een \u00fb Heleb\u00ea girtib\u00fbn.<\/p>\n
<\/p>\n
S\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci Suriye y\u00f6netiminden Rojava\u00b4ya yo\u011fun sald\u0131r\u0131 – Rizgar\u00ee Online<\/p>\n
S\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci Suriye BAAS rejimi Rojava B\u00f6lgesinde Efrin’in \u015eerava nahiyesine ba\u011fl\u0131 baz\u0131 k\u00f6yleri d\u00fcn sabah saatlerinde bombalad\u0131. Bombalamada en az bir \u00e7ocuk \u00f6l\u00fcrken, \u00e7ok say\u0131da ki\u015fi yaraland\u0131. K\u00f6ylere y\u00f6nelik karadan operasyon da ba\u015flat\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 bildirildi. ANF\u00b4nin haberinde \u015funlar kaydedildi:\u201cSabah saat alt\u0131dan itibaren Afrin’in \u015eerava il\u00e7esine ba\u011fl\u0131 Mezin ve Ziyaret k\u00f6yleri rejim taraf\u0131ndan bombalamaya ba\u015flad\u0131. Gelen ilk bilgilere g\u00f6re Ziyaret K\u00f6y\u00fc’nde 10 ya\u015f\u0131ndaki Vahit Ahmet hayat\u0131n\u0131 kaybederken, a\u011fabeyi Mahmut Ahmet ve dedesi yaraland\u0131. K\u00f6yde \u00e7ok say\u0131da yaral\u0131 oldu\u011fu bildiriliyor. Bombard\u0131man nedeniyle yaral\u0131lar\u0131n k\u00f6yden halen \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lamad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bildirildi.<\/p>\n
K\u00f6ylere 60’tan fazla top havan tank mermisinin d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fc belirtiliyor. Yakla\u015f\u0131k bir saat \u00f6nce rejim g\u00fc\u00e7lerinin Mezin, G\u00f6\u00e7 Haze, Ziyaret, Akib\u00ea, Berad\u00ea, Kefernebu, K\u0131nitre, Meyasi k\u00f6ylerini i\u00e7ine alan b\u00f6lgede karadan sald\u0131r\u0131ya ge\u00e7mek i\u00e7in harekete ge\u00e7ti\u011fi \u00f6\u011frenildi.<\/p>\n
K\u00f6ylere do\u011fru hareket eden g\u00fc\u00e7ler i\u00e7erisinde \u0130ran’\u0131n paramiliter g\u00fc\u00e7leri olan Besic’lerin de yer ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 y\u00f6n\u00fcnde bilgiler geliyor. <\/p>\n
<\/p>\n
Bekir Kaya’dan savc\u0131ya: \u0130ddian\u0131 ispatla yoksa, m\u00fcfteri ilan edece\u011fim \u2013 Kurdistan Post<\/p>\n
Aralar\u0131nda Van (Wan) Belediye Ba\u015fkan\u0131 Bekir Kaya’n\u0131n da bulundu\u011fu 12 K\u00fcrt siyaset\u00e7inin yarg\u0131land\u0131\u011f\u0131 Van “KCK” davas\u0131n\u0131n 4’nc\u00fc duru\u015fmas\u0131 Van 5. A\u011f\u0131r Ceza Mahkemesi’nde g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc. Mahkemede konu\u015fan Van B\u00fcy\u00fck\u015fehir Belediye Ba\u015fkan\u0131 Bekir Kaya, \u201c\u0130ddia makam\u0131 iddialar\u0131n\u0131 ya kan\u0131tlayacak ya da onlar\u0131 m\u00fcfteri ilan edece\u011fim. Banka yang\u0131n\u0131nda g\u00fcya ben yolu kapatm\u0131\u015f\u0131m. \u0130tfaiye gitmemi\u015f, kad\u0131n \u00e7ocu\u011funu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015f dolay\u0131s\u0131yla ben su\u00e7luyum. Ben de soruyorum hangi kad\u0131n? Hangi tarihte bu tespit yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015f? Kad\u0131n kim? \u00c7ocu\u011fu nerde? Bunlar\u0131n hi\u00e7biri yok. Peki, yarg\u0131lama b\u00f6yle mi yap\u0131l\u0131yor? Bu a\u00e7\u0131dan hi\u00e7bir \u015feye inanm\u0131yorum dedi. <\/p>\n
Aralar\u0131nda Van Belediye Ba\u015fkan\u0131 Bekir Kaya’n\u0131n da bulundu\u011fu 12 K\u00fcrt siyaset\u00e7inin yarg\u0131land\u0131\u011f\u0131 Van “KCK” davas\u0131n\u0131n 4’nc\u00fc duru\u015fmas\u0131 Van 5. A\u011f\u0131r Ceza Mahkemesi’nde g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc. Tutuklu san\u0131\u011f\u0131n olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 dava duru\u015fmas\u0131na Bostani\u00e7i Belde Belediye Ba\u015fkan\u0131 Nezahat Erg\u00fcne\u015f ve BDP Van eski \u0130l E\u015f Ba\u015fkan\u0131 Mihriban \u015eah d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda t\u00fcm san\u0131klar kat\u0131ld\u0131. Duru\u015fmada ilk olarak, \u00f6nceki celsede savc\u0131n\u0131n mahkeme heyetine sundu\u011fu esas m\u00fctalaaya kar\u015f\u0131 avukatlar savunma yapt\u0131. Van Baro Ba\u015fkan\u0131 Avukat Murat Timur, dosyan\u0131n \u00e7ok kapsaml\u0131 oldu\u011funu, t\u00fcm delillerin tek tek incelenmesi ve avukatlar olarak savunma yapmalar\u0131 gerekti\u011fini s\u00f6yledi. Bu nedenle m\u00fctalaaya kar\u015f\u0131 savunma yapmalar\u0131 i\u00e7in s\u00fcre talep eden Timur, ayr\u0131ca kimli\u011fi a\u00e7\u0131k olan tan\u0131klardan \u0130kram Tuci ve Serdar Hac\u0131 Yusufo\u011fullar\u0131’n\u0131n bir dahaki celsede dinlenmesini istedi. <\/p>\n
Timur’un talebi \u00fczerine mahkeme heyeti daha sonra iddia makam\u0131na s\u00f6z verdi. \u0130ddia makam\u0131 avukatlar\u0131n yarg\u0131lamay\u0131 uzatmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 iddia ederek, avukatlar\u0131n s\u00fcre talebinin red edilmesi gerekti\u011fini s\u00f6yledi. Savc\u0131 ayr\u0131ca kimli\u011fi a\u00e7\u0131k tan\u0131klar\u0131n dinlenmesine ili\u015fkin karar\u0131n da mahkeme heyetinin takdirine b\u0131rak\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 istedi.<\/p>\n
Savc\u0131n\u0131n bu talebi \u00fczerine avukatlar, ger\u00e7e\u011fin ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131 i\u00e7in tan\u0131klar\u0131n dinlenmesi gerekti\u011fini, taleplerin dikkate al\u0131nmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fini, avukatlar\u0131n hi\u00e7 bir \u015fekilde mahkemeyi uzatma gibi bir niyetlerinin olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yledi. Daha sonra san\u0131klar\u0131ndan tek tek m\u00fctalaaya y\u00f6nelik g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fleri soruldu. <\/p>\n
‘SAVCI ART N\u0130YETL\u0130’<\/p>\n
S\u00f6z alan Van B\u00fcy\u00fck\u015fehir Belediye Ba\u015fkan\u0131 Bekir Kaya, dosyan\u0131n siyasi erkin karar\u0131 ile a\u00e7\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirterek, ba\u015fbakan ve yard\u0131mc\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n da bunu konu\u015fmalar\u0131nda dile getirdiklerini s\u00f6yledi. Savc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n kendileri hakk\u0131nda tahliye talebinde bulunmas\u0131 s\u0131ras\u0131nda da s\u00f6ylediklerinin teyit edildi\u011fini hat\u0131rlatan Kaya, \u201cSavc\u0131 bizi b\u0131rakt\u0131\u011f\u0131nda \u015fiddet durmu\u015f bu rehineleri serbest b\u0131rakal\u0131m diyerek bunu teyit etti. Biz burada sizden \u015funu istiyoruz. Ba\u015ftan beri mahkemenin adaleti sa\u011flamayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6ylemi\u015ftik, bunu bir kez daha dile getiriyorum. Mahkemenin \u015fahs\u0131na bir diyece\u011fimiz yok ancak Cumhuriyet Savc\u0131s\u0131 bizim hakl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 teyit ediyor. Yani savc\u0131, biz talimat ald\u0131k sizi tutuklatt\u0131k bug\u00fcn de \u015fiddet durdu b\u0131rak\u0131yoruz \u015feklinde karar verdi. Savc\u0131 bir de bunun \u00fczerine \u00e7\u0131k\u0131p biz ve avukatlar\u0131m\u0131z hakk\u0131nda art niyette bulunuyor. Art niyet sizin yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131z bu m\u00fctalaadad\u0131r dedi. <\/p>\n
Savc\u0131n\u0131n, \u015fahs\u0131na y\u00f6nelik iddianamede hakaretlerde bulundu\u011funu ve kendisinin ahlaks\u0131zl\u0131kla itham edildi\u011fini s\u00f6yleyen Kaya, \u201cMahkeme, deliler ortaya konmadan bizim cezaland\u0131r\u0131lmam\u0131z\u0131 istiyor. Asl\u0131nda bir hukuk\u00e7unun y\u00fcz\u00fcn\u00fcn k\u0131zarmas\u0131 gerekiyor bir iddianameyi kopyala, kes, yap\u0131\u015ft\u0131r \u015feklinde yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in. \u015eimdi soruyorum Van Belediyesi ara\u00e7lar\u0131 ne zaman y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclm\u00fc\u015f? Bankada ne zaman yang\u0131n \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f? Polis bile yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 incelemede bunun nas\u0131l oldu\u011funu ortaya koydu ama Savc\u0131l\u0131k hala ilk s\u00f6yledi\u011fi \u015feyleri s\u00f6yl\u00fcyor. Burada da yine savc\u0131 kes yap\u0131\u015ft\u0131r yapm\u0131\u015f. En az\u0131ndan \u015fekli bile olsa bir yarg\u0131laman\u0131n yap\u0131lmas\u0131 gerekiyor. Biz bu mahkemelerin kurulu\u015f ama\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 biliyoruz ama yine \u015fekil a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan da bunu yapmas\u0131 gerekiyordu. \u015eimdi m\u00fctalaada bir \u015fey var. \u0130ddia makam\u0131 ya bunu kan\u0131tlayacak ya m\u00fcfteri ilan edece\u011fim onlar\u0131. Banka yang\u0131n\u0131nda g\u00fcya ben yolu kapatm\u0131\u015f\u0131m. \u0130tfaiye gitmemi\u015f, kad\u0131n \u00e7ocu\u011funu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015f dolay\u0131s\u0131yla ben su\u00e7luyum. Bende soruyorum hangi kad\u0131n? Hangi tarihte bu tespit yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015f? Kad\u0131n kim? \u00c7ocu\u011fu nerde? Bunlar\u0131n hi\u00e7biri yok. Peki yarg\u0131lama b\u00f6yle mi yap\u0131l\u0131yor? Bu a\u00e7\u0131dan hi\u00e7bir \u015feye inanm\u0131yorum. Mahkemeniz adil bir yarg\u0131lama yapm\u0131\u015f olsayd\u0131, mahkemeniz ger\u00e7ekten adil bir yarg\u0131lama yapmak isteseydi bu iddianamenin ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00fcnden itibaren bunlar\u0131 ara\u015ft\u0131rmak i\u00e7in \u00e7aba g\u00f6sterirdi. Ama mahkemenin b\u00f6yle bir \u00e7abas\u0131n\u0131 bile g\u00f6rmedik. Bu nedenle buradan \u00e7\u0131kacak hi\u00e7bir karar\u0131n da adil olmayaca\u011f\u0131na inan\u0131yorum. Ama Cumhuriyet Savc\u0131s\u0131 bunlar\u0131 ikide bir g\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcze sokmas\u0131n, bize hakaret etmesin. Her seferinde \u015f\u00f6yle oldu, b\u00f6yle oldu diyorsunuz. Peki, Emniyetin mahkemeye g\u00f6nderdi\u011fi tutana\u011fa ne diyeceksiniz? Benim itfaiyeye talimat vermem ile banka yang\u0131n\u0131 aras\u0131nda iki g\u00fcn fark oldu\u011funa ne dileceksiniz? Ezberledikleri \u015feyleri ikide bir papa\u011fan gibi s\u00f6yl\u00fcyorlar. Ben bir insan\u0131n ya\u015fam hakk\u0131na m\u00fcdahale etmi\u015f isem bunun teyit edilmesi gerekiyor dedi. <\/p>\n
DURU\u015eMA ERTELEND\u0130<\/p>\n
Mahkeme daha sonra avukatlar\u0131n talepleri ile ilgili karar\u0131 vermek \u00fczere yar\u0131m saat ara verdi. Aran\u0131n ard\u0131ndan mahkeme heyeti avukatlar\u0131n \u2018s\u00fcre talebi\u2019 ve \u2018kimli\u011fi a\u00e7\u0131k tan\u0131klar\u0131n dinlemesine y\u00f6nelik\u2019 talebi red etti. Duru\u015fma 2 Temmuz tarihine ertelendi. Mahkeme \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131 bas\u0131n mensuplar\u0131n\u0131n sorular\u0131n\u0131 yan\u0131tlayan Van B\u00fcy\u00fck\u015fehir Belediye Ba\u015fkan\u0131 Bekir Kaya, mahkemenin ba\u015f\u0131ndan beri hukuki bir temelde y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclmedi\u011fini s\u00f6ylediklerini belirterek, sadece mahkeme heyetinin de\u011fil, iddia makam\u0131n\u0131n da hukuku, usul ve yasalar\u0131 ayaklar alt\u0131na alarak bir yarg\u0131lama yapt\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 kaydetti. <\/p>\n
ER GE\u00c7 BU TOPRAKLARA ADALET GELECEK<\/p>\n
Yarg\u0131laman\u0131n hukuki de\u011fil, siyasi saiklerle yap\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yleyen Kaya, \u201cBiz her zaman \u015funu s\u00f6yledik sizler hukuk\u00e7u iseniz hukuki davran\u0131n. Ama maalesef mahkeme heyeti de buna uygun bir performans g\u00f6stermiyor. \u0130ddia makam\u0131n\u0131 zaten art\u0131k hi\u00e7 de\u011ferlendirmeye gerek yok. Bakal\u0131m sonucunu g\u00f6rece\u011fiz. \u00d6zel mahkeme diye bir \u015fey olmaz. \u015eah\u0131sa, gruba, ki\u015fiye etnik kimliklere \u00f6zel hukuk olmaz. Genelde herkese ayn\u0131 kurallar uygulanmas\u0131 laz\u0131m. Ama maalesef \u00f6zel mahkemeler T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin bir ger\u00e7e\u011fidir. \u00d6zel mahkemeler, DGM\u2019ler, daha \u00f6teye gidince s\u0131k\u0131y\u00f6netim mahkemeleri bu mant\u0131kla devam ediyor. Bu da topluma bir yarar de\u011fil zarar getirir. Toplumu germek d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda ba\u015fka da bir amac\u0131 yok bu mahkemelerin. Ama maalesef orada g\u00f6rev yapan hukuk\u00e7ularda kendilerini o psikolojiye g\u00f6re haz\u0131rlam\u0131\u015flar. \u00d6yle bir alg\u0131y\u0131 kendileri de olu\u015fturmu\u015flar. Ama er ge\u00e7 bu topraklara bu co\u011frafyaya adaletin gelece\u011fine olan inanc\u0131m\u0131z tamd\u0131r diye konu\u015ftu. <\/p>\n
Gazetecilerin itfaiye olay\u0131 ile ilgili sorular\u0131na ise Kaya, \u015f\u00f6yle cevap verdi: \u201c\u0130ddia sahibi iddias\u0131n\u0131 ispatlamakla y\u00fck\u00fcml\u00fcd\u00fcr. E\u011fer bir iddias\u0131 varsa, ortaya koyuyorsa onu delilleri ile gerek\u00e7elendirip ona g\u00f6re a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa \u00e7\u0131karmas\u0131 laz\u0131m. Soru\u015fturma evresinden itibaren savc\u0131n\u0131n b\u00f6yle bir iddias\u0131 var, ama ne kad\u0131n\u0131 bulabiliyor, hangi tarihte olmu\u015f hangi rapora dayanarak bunu s\u00f6yl\u00fcyor. Maalesef yok. Her zamanda dile getirdik benim i\u00e7in bu dosyada bir iki husus \u00f6nemlidir. Bir insan\u0131n ya\u015fam hakk\u0131na m\u00fcdahale etmi\u015fim gibi g\u00f6stermek. Benim i\u00e7in en a\u011f\u0131r\u0131 buydu. Polis raporu ile bile emniyetin dosyaya g\u00f6nderdi\u011fi ikinci inceleme raporu ile birlikte b\u00f6yle bir \u015feyin olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131na, asl\u0131nda benim itfaiye arac\u0131 ile diyalog kurdu\u011fum g\u00fcnle bankan\u0131n yand\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00fcn aras\u0131nda iki g\u00fcn zaman fark\u0131 oldu\u011fu ortaya konmu\u015f olmas\u0131na ra\u011fmen, iddia makam\u0131n\u0131n ilk g\u00fcnden beri olay\u0131 ki\u015file\u015ftirmesi hem de farkl\u0131 bir alg\u0131 ile yakla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 ve halen dile getirmesi asl\u0131nda bir ay\u0131pt\u0131r. Bir hukuk\u00e7unun asl\u0131nda y\u00fcz\u00fcn\u00fcn k\u0131zarmas\u0131 laz\u0131md\u0131r. Biz orda s\u00f6yleyeceklerimizi s\u00f6yledik. Bundan sonrada s\u00f6ylemeye devam edece\u011fiz. <\/p>\n
<\/p>\n
Art\u00ea\u015fa Tirkiyey\u00ea li Ser Operasiyon\u00ean Dij\u00ee PKK Berdewam Dibe – Peyamner<\/p>\n
Serkirdat\u00eeya gi\u015ft\u00eeya art\u00ea\u015fa Tirkiyey\u00ea radigih\u00eene, ku art\u00ea\u015f li ser kirdar \u00fb \u00e7alak\u00eey\u00ean serbaz\u00eey\u00ean xwe bo r\u00fbbir\u00fbb\u00fbna kirdar\u00ean \u00e7ekdar\u00eey\u00ean ger\u00eelay\u00ean PKK berdewam dibe \u00fb e wyek j\u00ee di demek\u00ea de ye ku dewleta Tirkiyey\u00ea \u00fb PKK dest bi guft\u00fbgoyan bo \u00e7areser\u00eeya a\u015ft\u00eeyaneya pirsa Kurd kirine \u00fb PKK j\u00ee li ser daxwaza r\u00eaber\u00ea xwe y\u00ea girt\u00ee Ebdullah Ocalan, agirbest ragiahndiye.<\/p>\n
\u00a0Li gor j\u00eader\u00ean n\u00fb\u00e7eyan, \u00eero d\u00fb\u015fembe serkirdat\u00eeya rt\u00ea\u015fa Tirkiyey\u00ea beyannameyek belav kiriye \u00fb t\u00ea de amaje bi ew\u00ea \u00e7end\u00ea\u00a0 daye ku yekey\u00ean serbaz\u00eey\u00ean art\u00ea\u015f\u00ea li gor qan\u00fbn\u00ea bi b\u00ea rawestan berdewam dibe li ser erk \u00fb \u00e7alak\u00eey\u00ean xwe bo r\u00fbbir\u00fbb\u00fbna ewan \u00e7ekdar\u00ean ku li gor xwe bi terors\u00eet nav biriye.<\/p>\n
Art\u00ea\u015fa Tirkiyey\u00ea herwisa tekez dike ku bi h\u00ee\u00e7 \u015f\u00eaweyek\u00ea operasiyon \u00fb \u00e7alak\u00eey\u00ean serbaz\u00eey\u00ean xwe narawest\u00eene \u00fb daye xuyakirin, ku h\u00ee\u00e7 r\u00eanimay\u00eeyeke n\u00fb ji al\u00eey\u00ea hik\u00fbmet\u00ea ve negih\u00eejtiye ber dest\u00ea wan \u00fb her ji ber ew\u00ea \u00e7end\u00ea ew d\u00ea li ser hewl\u00ean xwe bo r\u00fbbir\u00fbb\u00fbna \u00e7ekdar\u00ean PKK berdewam bin.<\/p>\n
Ew yek j\u00ee di demek\u00ea de ye ku serokwez\u00eer\u00ea Tirkiyey\u00ea Receb Teyib Erdogan a\u015fkira kiriye, ku h\u00ee\u00e7 destp\u00ea\u015fxer\u00eeyeke taybet\u00ee ji bo rawestandin yan j\u00ee berdewamb\u00fbna kirdar\u00ean serbaz\u00ee di qad\u00ea de n\u00eene.<\/p>\n
K\u00fcrdistan Stratejik Ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar Merkezi<\/p>\n
www.navendalekolin.com – www.lekolin.org – www.lekolin.net \u2013 www.lekolin.info<\/p>\n
\t<\/p>\n