\nAHMET KAHRAMAN – Saddam rejimi, Amerika’dan ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 darbeyle, can \u00e7eki\u015fen fil gibi yerde \u00e7\u0131rp\u0131n\u0131yor, fakat G\u00fcney K\u00fcrdistan\u2019\u0131n kaderini elinde tutan Mesud Barzani ve Celal Talabani ikilisi, hala de\u011fi\u015fen d\u00fcnya \u015fartlar\u0131nda, K\u00fcrdistan do\u011fumunun fark\u0131nda de\u011fildi.<\/b><\/p>\n\n\n
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| “Halk” olma, “millet” ya da “ulus” ne derseniz deyin, evreni kaplayan tarihsel bilin\u00e7, bir halk\u0131n yar\u0131n\u0131n\u0131 in\u015fa etme tutkusu yok, onun yerinde “ben” saplant\u0131s\u0131 vard\u0131. K\u00fcrdistan\u2019a ili\u015fkin tarihsel ufuklar\u0131, kar\u015f\u0131 tepede eriyip bitti\u011fi, kayboldu\u011fu ikili, merkeze oturttuklar\u0131 “ben” egosuyla, birbiriyle sava\u015farak \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fck tasl\u0131yor, rakipten bir da\u011f, tepe koparmay\u0131 K\u00fcrdistan’\u0131 kurma san\u0131yorlard\u0131. Ulusla\u015fma ruhu olmay\u0131nca, herkesin K\u00fcrdistan’\u0131 kendince ve \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131 boyundayd\u0131. Oysa, ayr\u0131 bir \u0131rk\u0131n mensubu, farkl\u0131 bir dil ve k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn p\u0131nar\u0131ndan gelme oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in soyk\u0131r\u0131m nehirlerinden ge\u00e7en bir halk\u0131n \u00f6nc\u00fcleri rol\u00fcndeydi, onlar. K\u00fcrdistan ise b\u00fct\u00fcn K\u00fcrtlerin ortak yurduydu. Her kar\u0131\u015f\u0131nda, ayr\u0131 ayr\u0131 “ked”i, eme\u011fi, hi\u00e7bir \u015fey yoksa bile ulusal ba\u015far\u0131ya a\u00e7\u0131lm\u0131\u015f dilekleri vard\u0131. Varsa kazan\u0131m, kanlar\u0131yla nak\u0131\u015fl\u0131yd\u0131. Ama, “ben” h\u0131rs\u0131na esir d\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015fler, Kuzeyin can fedalar\u0131n\u0131 kovmak i\u00e7in bir ko\u015fu gidip Saddam’\u0131 \u00f6p\u00fcyor, istenilen olmay\u0131nca, T\u00fcrk rejimi taraf\u0131na atl\u0131yor, kan nehirleriyle sulanm\u0131\u015f topraklar\u0131 sunup, bir daha terk edilmemek \u00fczere askeri \u00fcs olarak hediye ediyorlard\u0131. Ki\u015filerin \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131, \u00fclke \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131yd\u0131, bu d\u00fcnyada. Ulusal birli\u011fe \u00f6l\u00fcm\u2026 Hal bu derekede olunca, karde\u015fininin d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131 dosttu. Karde\u015ften esirgedi\u011fi topraklar, onun d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131na arma\u011fan\u2026 Nitekim, Amerika bu kafayla bir yere gidilemeyece\u011fini g\u00f6r\u00fcnce, onlar\u0131 toplay\u0131p, “ulusla\u015fma”, halk olma bilinci \u00fczere ders vermek zorunda kal\u0131yordu. Mesud Barzani, bu a\u015famada, “K\u00fcrd\u00fcn K\u00fcrtle sava\u015f d\u00f6nemi bitmi\u015ftir, bundan sonra asla” \u015fekindeki \u00fcnl\u00fc s\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc s\u00f6ylemi\u015fti. Ve ben, safl\u0131\u011f\u0131mla kurtar\u0131lm\u0131\u015f topraklarda in\u015fa edilmekte olan devlete tan\u0131kl\u0131k etme ve yar\u0131nlara aktarma heyecan\u0131n\u0131 ya\u015f\u0131yordum. Gidip, dirili\u015fi g\u00f6recek yazacakt\u0131m. Fakat heyecan\u0131m, niyetin \u00f6tesine ge\u00e7emedi. Hayal k\u0131r\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131yla kala kald\u0131m. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc sadece ve yaln\u0131z pis kokular \u00e7\u0131km\u0131yor, g\u00f6rg\u00fcs\u00fczl\u00fckler girdab\u0131nda, y\u00fcz k\u0131zart\u0131c\u0131 ay\u0131plar birbirine dolan\u0131yordu. \u00dclke yaral\u0131, yetimler, \u00f6ks\u00fczler b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fuyla a\u00e7, viraneler aras\u0131nda a\u00e7\u0131kta, ama “Mir”imin o\u011flu, tozlu yollarda co\u015fmak \u00fczere, Ferrari marka araba sipari\u015f etmi\u015f, “kurtar\u0131c\u0131lar” ad\u0131na utan\u00e7 verici, T\u00fcrk karikat\u00fcrc\u00fclere bile konu olmu\u015ftu. (T\u00fcrk devleti, bu s\u0131rada onlar\u0131 teslim almak i\u00e7in, Amerikan korumacl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 da g\u00f6z ard\u0131 ederek, Barzani, Talabani ikilisini a\u015fa\u011f\u0131layarak, i\u015fgal tehditleri savuruyor, K\u00fcrdistan kimlik ve damgas\u0131na ge\u00e7it vermiyordu.) Bizim gibi saf olanlar ise, umut bu ya, onca ac\u0131dan sonra, “yeni bir efendiye biat”\u0131n imkans\u0131z oldu\u011funu, “modern d\u00fcnya sentezi” bir \u00fclke yarat\u0131laca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyordu. Ta ki, g\u00f6rg\u00fcs\u00fczl\u00fck topa\u00e7 gibi ortal\u0131kta d\u00f6nmeye ba\u015flayana kadar bu umudu y\u00fcre\u011fimizde besledik. Sonra, petro-dolara bulanm\u0131\u015f a\u00e7 g\u00f6zl\u00fc bir g\u00f6rg\u00fcs\u00fczlerin, in\u015fa ettikleri k\u00f6\u015fkleri, saraylar\u0131 i\u00e7in “alt\u0131n kaplama musluk” sipari\u015flerini g\u00f6rd\u00fck.\u00a0\u00a0<\/span> Modern K\u00fcrdistan hayalleri yere g\u00f6m\u00fclm\u00fc\u015f, T\u00fcrk-Arap sentezi bir sistem do\u011furulmu\u015ftu. \u015eimdi, bu zeminde “nimetlere h\u00fccum” zaman\u0131yd\u0131. T\u00fcrk ordusunun “derin stratejik”li mali imparatorlu\u011fu OYAK\u2019\u0131 en ba\u015fta, “derin ba\u011flarla \u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fc” \u00f6teki \u015firketleri \u00fclkeyi in\u015faa ediyor, Fethullah\u00e7\u0131 kumpanya da e\u011fitim hizmeti veriyordu. \u00d6b\u00fcr yanda, tepeleri tutanlar, hala kand\u0131rmacal\u0131\u011f\u0131n kurnazl\u0131k sular\u0131nda “K\u00fcrdistan” diyorlard\u0131. Mesud Barzani\u2019nin “bira kuj\u00ee” olan K\u00fcrd\u00fcn K\u00fcrde silah do\u011frulmas\u0131n\u0131n bitti\u011fi s\u00f6z\u00fc de yerli yerindeydi. \u00d6yle ki, daha sonra bu s\u00f6z, “K\u00fcrt milletinin birli\u011fi i\u00e7in d\u00f6rt par\u00e7an\u0131n kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131yla konferans” \u015fekline b\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcyordu. Fakat s\u00f6z ba\u015fka, niyetlere ba\u015fka tarafa ak\u0131yordu. Kimileri, “efendisiz” bir d\u00fcnyay\u0131 bilmiyor, kendi ba\u015f\u0131na, \u00f6zg\u00fcrce ya\u015famay\u0131 beceremiyordu. Hele hele petro-dolar\u0131n hayat\u0131n efendisi oldu\u011fu bir yerde\u2026 Amerika\u2019da, k\u00f6lelik 1860\u2019larda yasakland\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, baz\u0131 k\u00f6leler yas tutup, “bize emir veren olmay\u0131nca, nas\u0131l ya\u015far\u0131z” diye a\u011fla\u015fm\u0131\u015flard\u0131. 1960\u2019larda T\u00fcrk solunun lideri Mehmet Ali Aybar, “ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k” dedik\u00e7e, T\u00fcrk sa\u011fc\u0131lar\u0131 bir a\u011f\u0131zdan, “Amerikan kopup Amerika’n\u0131n emrine mi gerelim” diye ba\u011f\u0131rarak cevap vermi\u015flerdi. Radikal gazetesinin yazar\u0131 Fehim Ta\u015ftekin, “K\u00fcrt K\u00fcrd\u00fcn kurdu” ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 yaz\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 okuyanlar, T\u00fcrk rejiminin koluna girenlerin, a\u011fz\u0131ndan \u00e7\u0131kan “K\u00fcrd\u00fcn K\u00fcrtle sava\u015fma d\u00f6nemi kapanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r” balonunun s\u00f6nd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc g\u00f6r\u00fcyordu. “K\u00fcrdistan Ulusal Kongresi” T\u00fcrk rejiminin vetosuyla havaya savrulmu\u015ftu. Bu yetmemi\u015f, T\u00fcrk rejiminin d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131 Rojava\u2019ya kar\u015f\u0131, “so\u011fuk sava\u015f” cephesi kurulmu\u015ftu. Bu, K\u00fcrdistan \u00e7\u0131nar\u0131n\u0131 i\u00e7ten kemiren “kurt\u00e7uk” hallerine b\u00fcr\u00fcnmeydi. A\u011fac\u0131n i\u00e7indeki kurt\u00e7uk, g\u00f6vdeyi, so\u011fuk sava\u015fla kemiriyordu. Bu sava\u015fta, muhtaca kap\u0131 kapatarak, d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131k lav\u0131 olan kar\u015f\u0131 propaganda salvolar\u0131yla, ulusal kurtulu\u015f m\u00fccadelesi veren Rojava\u2019ya kar\u015f\u0131 cephede bulu\u015fuyordu. Ulusal refleksten vazge\u00e7tik, birazc\u0131k olsun vefa duygusu ar\u0131yor insan. Rojava, bir zamanlar Baas rejimi ne der, ba\u015f\u0131ma ne felaketler getirir demeden onlara su ve ekmek sunmu\u015f, evlerini bar\u0131nak yapm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Vefa duygusu da bir yana, daha d\u00fcne kadar ulusal kurtulu\u015f sava\u015f\u0131 verdi\u011fini s\u00f6yleyenlerin, yan\u0131 ba\u015flar\u0131nda var olma m\u00fccadelesi verenlere yapt\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131n izah\u0131 var m\u0131? Varsa T\u00fcrk kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan ba\u015fka ne? \u00a0<\/font><\/p>\n |