\u0130\u00e7eride in\u015fa edilen bir sermaye birikim s\u00fcreci ve soygun d\u00fczenine; d\u0131\u015far\u0131da, b\u00f6lgesel d\u00fczeyde s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci ve yay\u0131lmac\u0131 politikalar e\u015flik ediyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
T\u00fcrkiye kapitalizmi d\u00f6nemin T\u00fcrkiye Cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131 Turgut \u00d6zal d\u00f6neminden beri b\u00f6lgede g\u00fc\u00e7 merkezi olma yoluyla kapitalist hiyerar\u015fide bir \u00fcst basama\u011fa s\u0131\u00e7ramak amac\u0131yla yay\u0131lmac\u0131 (emperyal) politikalar izliyor. Tarihsel referanslara (Yeni Osmanl\u0131c\u0131l\u0131k) yaslanarak Ortado\u011fu\u2019dan Afrika\u2019ya kadar birka\u00e7 k\u0131tada \u2018Osmanl\u0131\u2019dan bakiye\u2019 olarak g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc pek \u00e7ok b\u00f6lge \u00fclkesine \u015fu ya da bu bi\u00e7imde n\u00fcfuz etmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yor. Ne var ki, T\u00fcrkiye AKP iktidarlar\u0131 d\u00f6neminde kuvvetten fiile d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fclen bu stratejiyi b\u00f6lgede \u2018belirleyici ve d\u00fczenleyici rol\u2019 oynayan b\u00fcy\u00fck k\u00fcresel g\u00fc\u00e7ler kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda kapitalist rekabete dayal\u0131 iktisadi kurallar i\u00e7inde realize edebilecek kapasiteden yoksun bulunuyor ve militarist y\u00f6ntemlerden ba\u015fka hi\u00e7bir rasyonel araca sahip de\u011fil. Libya i\u00e7 sava\u015f\u0131na askeri m\u00fcdahale ve Do\u011fu Akdeniz\u2019deki do\u011fal varl\u0131klara \u2018el koyma\u2019 giri\u015fimleri bu politikan\u0131n bir tezah\u00fcr\u00fc\u2026<\/p>\n\n\n\n
T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin art\u0131k \u2018so\u011fuk sava\u015f\u2019 d\u00f6nemine \u00f6zg\u00fc klasik \u2018yurtta bar\u0131\u015f, d\u00fcnyada bar\u0131\u015f\u2019 \u015fiar\u0131na dayanan d\u0131\u015f politika stratejisi k\u00f6kten de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011fe u\u011fram\u0131\u015f bulunuyor. \u2018Milli G\u00fcvenlik\u2019 stratejisini \u2018s\u0131n\u0131r \u00f6tesi\u2019ne ta\u015f\u0131yan, askeri g\u00fc\u00e7 kullan\u0131m\u0131na dayanan ve k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7ekli de olsa \u2018askeri s\u0131nai kompleks\u2019le desteklenen, sonu belirsiz maceraya yelken a\u00e7an militarist bir politika\u2026 ABD, AB ile Rusya aras\u0131nda \u2018mekik dokuyan\u2019, s\u00fcreci karakterize eden b\u00fcy\u00fck k\u00fcresel g\u00fc\u00e7ler aras\u0131nda bir \u2018tenis topu\u2019 gibi oradan oraya s\u00fcr\u00fcklenen ilkesiz, esnek, pragmatik bir d\u0131\u015f politika\u2026<\/p>\n\n\n\n
\u2018T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin Irak, Suriye, Libya, Somali, L\u00fcbnan, Afganistan, Katar, Mali, Orta Afrika Cumhuriyeti, Bosna-Hersek, Kosova, Kuzey K\u0131br\u0131s, Azerbaycan, Arnavutluk, Sudan olmak \u00fczere toplam olarak 15 \u00fclkede askeri varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00f6z konusu. Bu \u00fclkelerin bir k\u0131sm\u0131nda askeri \u00fcss\u00fc de var. En \u00e7ok askeri KKTC\u2019de, en b\u00fcy\u00fck askeri \u00fcs Somali\u2019de bulunuyor.\u2019<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Bu s\u00fcrecin organik par\u00e7alar\u0131ndan birini de K\u00fcrt sorununda sava\u015f ve i\u015fgal bi\u00e7iminde s\u00fcren s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci politikalardaki \u0131srar olu\u015fturuyor. \u0130\u00e7eride \u2018m\u00fczakere masas\u0131\u2019n\u0131n devrilmesi, d\u0131\u015far\u0131da Kuzey Do\u011fu Suriye\u2019ye y\u00f6nelik i\u015fgal giri\u015fimleri, Rojava devrimini bo\u011fma hamleleri, y\u00fczy\u0131ll\u0131k s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci bir devlet mantalitesinde \u0131srar\u0131n bir sonucu. Art\u0131k, devlet iktidar g\u00fc\u00e7lerinin K\u00fcrtlere yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131, tutumu ve K\u00fcrt siyaseti T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin \u2018b\u00f6lge stratejileri\u2019ne g\u00f6re belirleniyor ve b\u00fct\u00fcn par\u00e7alardaki K\u00fcrtlerin siyasi gelece\u011fi ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015fme imkanlar\u0131 hi\u00e7bir tarihsel d\u00f6nemde olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 kadar birbirine ba\u011flanm\u0131\u015f bulunuyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
A\u00e7\u0131k ki, i\u00e7 sava\u015f ve i\u015fgal ko\u015fullar\u0131nda b\u00fcy\u00fck bedeller \u00f6denerek, b\u00fcy\u00fck ac\u0131lar \u00e7ekilerek in\u015fa edilen ve d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnsel mimarl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 Rojava Devrimi\u2019nin ya\u015famas\u0131 ve K\u00fcrtlerin yeni Suriye\u2019de demokratik bir siyasal stat\u00fc sahibi olmas\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck bir \u2018tehdit unsuru\u2019 olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyor. Kuzey Do\u011fu Suriye\u2019ye i\u015fgal giri\u015fimlerinin yan\u0131 s\u0131ra \u2018ter\u00f6r\u2019 ad\u0131 alt\u0131nda G\u00fcney\u2019e yap\u0131lan askeri operasyonlardan sonra, T\u00fcrk askeri g\u00fc\u00e7lerinin operasyon b\u00f6lgelerinden g\u00f6n\u00fcl r\u0131zas\u0131yla \u00e7ekileceklerini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmek b\u00fcy\u00fck yan\u0131lg\u0131 olur. Temel hedef, elinin kolunun uzand\u0131\u011f\u0131 her par\u00e7ada K\u00fcrt co\u011frafyas\u0131n\u0131 i\u015fgal ve ilhak etmek, G\u00fcney\u2019in federatif stat\u00fcs\u00fcne merkezi Irak devletiyle birlikte son vermek ve b\u00f6lgede yerle\u015fik g\u00fc\u00e7 haline gelmek.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
B\u00f6lgeye dair tespitler i\u00e7eride bir e\u015fi\u011fe gelmi\u015f dayanm\u0131\u015f \u2018m\u00fczakere masas\u0131\u2019n\u0131n tek hamleyle neden devrildi\u011fini yeterince a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131yor. Y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131nda, 21. Y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n \u2018K\u00fcrtlerin Y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131\u2019 olarak nitelenmi\u015fti. S\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci b\u00f6lge devletlerinin b\u00fct\u00fcn ku\u015fatma ve sald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 bu niteleme ge\u00e7erlili\u011fini koruyor ve onu kuvvetten fiile d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrecek yeg\u00e2ne imk\u00e2n\u0131n, \u2018K\u00fcrtlerin Birli\u011fi\u2019nde oldu\u011funu i\u015faret ediyor. Kald\u0131 ki, \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n da \u0131srarla \u00fczerinde durdu\u011fu ve realize olmas\u0131n\u0131 istedi\u011fi K\u00fcrtlerin Birli\u011fi\u2019ni \u2018Demokratik Ortado\u011fu\u2019 vizyonuyla birle\u015ftirecek \u2018b\u00f6lgesel enternasyonalizmi\u2019 canland\u0131rman\u0131n ve ittifak politikas\u0131n\u0131 geli\u015ftirmenin de tam zaman\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Nitekim, Kuzey ve Do\u011fu Suriye\u2019de ENKS ile K\u00fcrt Ulusal Birli\u011fi Partileri (PYNK) aras\u0131nda Duhok anla\u015fmas\u0131 eksen al\u0131narak yap\u0131lan anla\u015fmaya dair Bah\u00e7eli\u2019nin zehir sa\u00e7an de\u011ferlendirmesi, K\u00fcrtler aras\u0131 birli\u011fin devlet-iktidar g\u00fc\u00e7lerinin b\u00f6lgedeki s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci ve yay\u0131lmac\u0131 ama\u00e7lar\u0131 bak\u0131m\u0131ndan ne kadar \u2018ya\u015famsal bir tehlike\u2019 oldu\u011funu g\u00f6zler \u00f6n\u00fcne seriyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Bu genel tespitlerin \u0131\u015f\u0131\u011f\u0131nda s\u00fcreci karakterize eden mantalite ve olgular\u0131 analojik birka\u00e7 soruyla a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa \u00e7\u0131karmak m\u00fcmk\u00fcn.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
\u00d6rne\u011fin, ilkel birikim y\u00f6ntemlerine dayal\u0131 bir sermaye birikim s\u00fcreci \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc bir i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n, kitlesel ve g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc sendikalar\u0131n oldu\u011fu k\u0131smi demokratik ko\u015fullarda bile s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclebilir miydi? Esnek, kurals\u0131z ve g\u00fcvencesiz \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma s\u00fcreci karakterize edebilir, yoksulluk bu kadar yayg\u0131nla\u015fabilir, i\u015fsizlik b\u00f6ylesine artabilir miydi?<\/p>\n\n\n\n
\u2018M\u00fczakere s\u00fcreci\u2019nin onurlu bir bar\u0131\u015fla ta\u00e7lanarak kal\u0131c\u0131 bir demokratik \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcme evrildi\u011fi durumda Bat\u0131\u2019ya empoze edilen \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131 ajitasyon bu denli kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k bulabilir, K\u00fcrt d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 bu d\u00fczeyde boyutlanabilir, kayyumlarla K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n iradesi hoyrat\u00e7a gasp edilebilir miydi?<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Dincilik, milliyet\u00e7ilik, cinsiyet\u00e7ilik, piyasac\u0131l\u0131k bu denli b\u00fcy\u00fck bir al\u0131c\u0131 kitlesine sahip olabilir miydi?<\/p>\n\n\n\n
B\u00f6lge halklar\u0131n\u0131n ortak \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 eksen alan bar\u0131\u015f\u00e7\u0131l bir d\u0131\u015f politika e\u015fli\u011finde s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci ve yay\u0131lmac\u0131 bir \u00fclke vizyonu olu\u015fturulabilir miydi?<\/p>\n\n\n\n
A\u00e7\u0131k ki, yan\u0131ts\u0131z birka\u00e7 soru bile i\u00e7eride bask\u0131n bir otoriter siyasi rejim olmaks\u0131z\u0131n b\u00f6yle bir sermaye birikim s\u00fcrecini, b\u00fcy\u00fcme modelini ve soygun d\u00fczenini, d\u0131\u015far\u0131da s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci ve yay\u0131lmac\u0131 militarist bir d\u0131\u015f politikay\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrebilmek olanakl\u0131 olamazd\u0131. Ba\u015fkanl\u0131k rejiminin in\u015fas\u0131, siyasetin sarayda tekelle\u015fmesi ve K\u00fcrt sorununda sava\u015f stratejisine d\u00f6n\u00fclmesi yeni s\u00fcrecin in\u015fas\u0131nda \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kan ba\u015fat olgular olarak rol oynam\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Art\u0131k devlet eski devlet de\u011fildir. Devlet yeniden \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmi\u015f, K\u00fcrt illerindeki belediyeler \u2018vali ve kaymakam kayyumlar\u2019 vas\u0131tas\u0131yla devletin dikey \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesinin organik par\u00e7as\u0131 haline getirilmi\u015flerdir. \u00d6zg\u00fcn ve \u00f6zerk\/otonom b\u00fct\u00fcn kurum ve kurulu\u015flar devletin \u015fu ya da bu d\u00fczeydeki uzant\u0131s\u0131 haline getirilmi\u015f, saray rejiminin sultas\u0131 alt\u0131na sokulmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Nitekim, toplumu sokak sokak s\u00fcrekli bir bi\u00e7imde \u2018g\u00f6zetleme ve denetleme\u2019 amac\u0131yla \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lan \u2018Bek\u00e7i Yasas\u0131\u2019ndan sonra yarg\u0131n\u0131n \u00fc\u00e7 temel aya\u011f\u0131ndan birini olu\u015fturan savunmaya y\u00f6nelik \u2018\u00e7oklu baro\u2019 operasyonu hen\u00fcz kurumsalla\u015fma a\u015famas\u0131ndaki Erdo\u011fan rejiminin eksik par\u00e7alar\u0131n\u0131n ad\u0131m ad\u0131m tamamlanmas\u0131 anlam\u0131na geliyor. Belli ki, saray savc\u0131lara istedi\u011fi iddianameyi yazd\u0131r\u0131r, yarg\u0131\u00e7lara istedi\u011fi karar\u0131 verdirirken, istedi\u011fi savunmay\u0131 yapt\u0131racak avukat profilini \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131karabilece\u011fi, istedi\u011fi tutumu alacak alternatif baro(lar) i\u00e7in kapsaml\u0131 yap\u0131sal d\u00fczenlemeyi ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz g\u00f6r\u00fcyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Erdo\u011fan\u2019\u0131n sosyal medya ve dijital platformlar\u0131 kapatma y\u00f6n\u00fcndeki hamlesi de ayn\u0131 mantalitenin \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc. Yerel ve ulusal d\u00fczeyde yay\u0131n yapan bunca televizyon kanal\u0131na, gazeteye, internet sitesine sahip olmalar\u0131na, koca bir \u2018trol ordusu\u2019 beslemelerine, b\u00fcy\u00fck bir yaz\u0131l\u0131 ve g\u00f6rsel medya tekeli olu\u015fturmalar\u0131na ra\u011fmen b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcyle denetim alt\u0131nda tutamad\u0131klar\u0131 sosyal medya ve dijital platformlar\u0131 kapatma yoluna ba\u015fvuruyorlar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
\u00d6zel Sava\u015fa Kar\u015f\u0131 M\u00fccadele Platformu<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n K\u00fcrdistan Stratejik Ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar Merkezi<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n <\/p>\n\n\n\n <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" \u0130\u00e7eride in\u015fa edilen bir sermaye birikim s\u00fcreci ve soygun d\u00fczenine; d\u0131\u015far\u0131da, b\u00f6lgesel d\u00fczeyde s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci ve yay\u0131lmac\u0131 politikalar e\u015flik ediyor. T\u00fcrkiye kapitalizmi d\u00f6nemin T\u00fcrkiye Cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131 Turgut \u00d6zal d\u00f6neminden beri b\u00f6lgede g\u00fc\u00e7 merkezi olma yoluyla kapitalist hiyerar\u015fide bir \u00fcst basama\u011fa s\u0131\u00e7ramak amac\u0131yla yay\u0131lmac\u0131 (emperyal) politikalar izliyor. Tarihsel referanslara (Yeni Osmanl\u0131c\u0131l\u0131k) yaslanarak Ortado\u011fu\u2019dan Afrika\u2019ya kadar birka\u00e7 k\u0131tada \u2018Osmanl\u0131\u2019dan […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":23,"featured_media":13126,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"jnews-multi-image_gallery":[],"jnews_single_post":{"subtitle":"","format":"standard","video":"","gallery":"","source_name":"","source_url":"","via_name":"","via_url":"","override":[{"single_blog_custom":"","sidebar":"","second_sidebar":"","share_position":"","share_float_style":"","post_date_format":"","post_date_format_custom":"","post_reading_time_wpm":"","zoom_button_out_step":"1","zoom_button_in_step":"1","number_popup_post":"1"}],"image_override":[{"single_post_thumbnail_size":"","single_post_gallery_size":""}],"trending_post_position":"","trending_post_label":"","sponsored_post_label":"","sponsored_post_name":"","sponsored_post_url":"","sponsored_post_logo":"","sponsored_post_desc":""},"jnews_primary_category":{"id":""},"jnews_social_meta":{"fb_title":"","fb_description":"","fb_image":"","twitter_title":"","twitter_description":"","twitter_image":""},"jnews_override_counter":{"view_counter_number":"0","share_counter_number":"0","like_counter_number":"0","dislike_counter_number":"0"},"jnews_post_split":[],"footnotes":""},"categories":[8],"tags":[3341,3235,3279,3342],"class_list":["post-13124","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-politik-analiz","tag-dincilik","tag-isgalci-tc","tag-somurgeci-2","tag-yeni-osmancilik"],"acf":[],"post_mailing_queue_ids":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/13124","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/23"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=13124"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/13124\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":13127,"href":"https:\/\/lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/13124\/revisions\/13127"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/13126"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=13124"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=13124"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=13124"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}