21. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ba\u015flang\u0131c\u0131n\u0131n, K\u00fcrt halk\u0131 i\u00e7in kritik bir evre olu\u015fturdu\u011fu konusunda herkes hemfikir. Ge\u00e7en y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131nda K\u00fcrdistan\u2019\u0131 par\u00e7alayarak vurulan soyk\u0131r\u0131m \u00e7ivilerinin yerinden oynad\u0131\u011f\u0131, bu sistemin art\u0131k s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclemez oldu\u011fu a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r. Fakat esas problem burada ba\u015fl\u0131yor, K\u00fcrt halk\u0131 bu yeniden olu\u015fturulan sistemde \u00f6zg\u00fcr, onurlu bir \u015fekilde varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kurumsalla\u015ft\u0131rabilecek mi? Yoksa yeni bir yokluk sistemine mi mahk\u00fbm edilecek? Yani T\u00fcrk s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecili\u011finin zihniyetini net bi\u00e7imde yans\u0131tan \u201cAlavere dalavere K\u00fcrt Mehmet n\u00f6bete\u201d deyi\u015findeki sonu\u00e7 mu ger\u00e7ekle\u015fecek? Bu se\u00e7eneklerin hayata ge\u00e7mesi i\u00e7in m\u00fccadele eden g\u00fc\u00e7ler de a\u015fa\u011f\u0131 yukar\u0131 netle\u015fmi\u015f durumdad\u0131r ve bu soruya verilecek cevap nas\u0131l bir Ortado\u011fu ve hatta nas\u0131l bir d\u00fcnyan\u0131n \u015fekillenece\u011fine de do\u011frudan i\u015faret etmektedir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc K\u00fcrd\u00fc yok etmeye y\u00f6nelen g\u00fc\u00e7ler s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci ve fa\u015fist diktat\u00f6rl\u00fcklerdir ve buna kar\u015f\u0131 demokrasi ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn bayra\u011f\u0131 K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n m\u00fccadelesinde y\u00fckselmektedir. Bu temelde KDP \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde Barzani ailesinin ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 pozisyon hem yap\u0131sal niteliklerden kaynaklanmaktad\u0131r hem de stratejik sonu\u00e7lar do\u011furabilecek bir durumdur.<\/p>\n
Soyk\u0131r\u0131mc\u0131 TC ve onun fa\u015fist AKP-MHP h\u00fck\u00fcmeti K\u00fcrt soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirip b\u00f6lgesel emperyal bir g\u00fc\u00e7 haline gelmeyi kendi varl\u0131k yokluk sorunu haline getirmi\u015ftir. T\u00fcm i\u00e7 ve d\u0131\u015f politikas\u0131n\u0131 bu eksende pratikle\u015ftirmektedir. K\u00fcrdistan\u2019\u0131n di\u011fer par\u00e7alar\u0131n\u0131 da i\u015fgal ve ilhak etme perspektifiyle hareket etmektedir. Bu a\u00e7\u0131dan K\u00fcrt varl\u0131\u011f\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131t cephenin \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc \u00fcstlenmesi anla\u015f\u0131l\u0131rd\u0131r. Kald\u0131 ki bu cepheyi bir arada tutmay\u0131 da temel bir g\u00f6rev olarak g\u00f6rmektedir. Bu \u00e7er\u00e7eveden ele al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131nda KDP\u2019nin TC ile kurdu\u011fu ili\u015fkiler ne herhangi bir d\u00f6nemde farkl\u0131 bir d\u0131\u015f g\u00fc\u00e7le kurdu\u011fu ittifaklara ne de ge\u00e7ici bir \u00e7\u0131kar ili\u015fkisine benzetilemez. Zihniyet ortakl\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fclmeden KDP K\u00fcrdi arg\u00fcmanlara dayanan s\u00f6ylemi nedeniyle anla\u015f\u0131lamayacak bir birliktelik s\u00f6z konusudur. Barzani ailesi fa\u015fist TC ile beraber hareket etmektedir \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc d\u00fcnyaya bak\u0131\u015f\u0131, toplumla kurdu\u011fu ili\u015fki ayn\u0131d\u0131r. T\u0131pk\u0131 TC gibi o da demokrasiyi sadece bir s\u00f6zc\u00fck, halk\u0131 ise g\u00fcd\u00fclecek s\u00fcr\u00fc olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcr. Asl\u0131nda nas\u0131l TC fa\u015fist oligar\u015fik bir diktat\u00f6rl\u00fck ise KDP\u2019nin kurdu\u011fu, geli\u015ftirmek istedi\u011fi yap\u0131 da hanedan diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcd\u00fcr. Bu ortak ideoloji KDP\u2019nin TC\u2019nin onun varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 da tehdit eden hamlelerini anlamaktan al\u0131koymaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n
\u00d6nder APO K\u00fcrt \u00fcst s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n toplumsal yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 tarihsel \u00e7er\u00e7evede ele alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u00d6ncellikle daha K\u00fcrt varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ilk olu\u015fumunda ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan ve hala da ciddiye al\u0131nmas\u0131 gereken bir durum olarak i\u015fbirlik\u00e7ili\u011fe dikkat \u00e7eker. Bu kesimler kendi ger\u00e7ekli\u011fine \u201cihanet\u201d ve egemenlerle kurulan \u201ci\u015fbirlik\u00e7ilik\u201d ile maluld\u00fcr. K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6zellikle toplumsal tabakala\u015fman\u0131n yans\u0131malar\u0131yla olu\u015fan \u00fcst s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131nda karakteristik bir nitelik haline gelmi\u015ftir. \u00d6nderlik bu karakteristik \u00f6zelli\u011fin k\u00f6k\u00fcn\u00fc G\u0131lgam\u0131\u015f Destan\u0131\u2019nda ge\u00e7en Enkidu\u2019ya kadar g\u00f6t\u00fcrmektedir. En basitinden kendinden uzakla\u015fmay\u0131, ihanet ve i\u015fbirlik\u00e7ili\u011fi kendini do\u011frudan ba\u015fka bir toplumsal varl\u0131k i\u00e7erisinde (s\u00f6zle kendini K\u00fcrt olarak tarif etse bile) tan\u0131mlama olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclmelidir. Varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, asl\u0131nda bireysel biyolojik ya\u015fam\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmek i\u00e7in kendi toplumsall\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan yani asl\u0131nda kendi varl\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan yabanc\u0131la\u015fma, K\u00fcrt \u00fcst s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131 i\u00e7in bir ilke konumuna gelmi\u015ftir. Do\u011fal olarak onun zihniyetinde \u201cK\u00fcrtl\u00fck\u201d hi\u00e7bir zaman tam ifadesini bulamamakta, bu konuda en iddial\u0131 olundu\u011fu d\u00f6nemde bile s\u00fcrekli yalpalamaktad\u0131r \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc k\u00fclt\u00fcrel zemini egemenle i\u015fbirli\u011fi \u00fczerinden \u015fekillenmi\u015ftir. \u00a0\u00d6nder APO\u2019nun bak\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 k\u0131saca \u00f6zetlemeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z bu de\u011ferlendirmeler \u00f6zellikle Barzani ailesinin zihinsel kodlar\u0131n\u0131n ana hatlar\u0131n\u0131 ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131r. Bu ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k ve \u00f6yk\u00fcnme ideolojik alan\u0131n\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7izer. Bu durum KDP i\u00e7erisinde ger\u00e7ekten yurtsever ve K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6ncelleyen insanlar yoktur anlam\u0131na ku\u015fkusuz gelmez fakat ba\u015fat olan \u00e7izginin yani y\u00f6netici kesimin \u00e7izgisinin bu taklit\u00e7ilikle ya\u015fama tutunmak istedi\u011fi a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r.<\/p>\n
Bu ideolojik \u00e7er\u00e7eve \u0131\u015f\u0131\u011f\u0131nda pratik duruma bakabiliriz. KDP\u2019nin arka plan\u0131 bir ana b\u0131rak\u0131lsa bile neredeyse 17 y\u0131ll\u0131k bir iktidar ser\u00fcveni vard\u0131r. Federal K\u00fcrdistan b\u00f6lgesinin \u015fekilleni\u015finde YNK ve bir nebze de olsa di\u011fer partilerin etkisi oldu\u011fu do\u011frudur fakat asl\u0131nda somutta kendisi iki b\u00f6lgeli olan Ba\u015fur\u00ea K\u00fcrdistan\u2019\u0131n bir b\u00f6lgesinin iktidar\u0131nda do\u011fal olarak yap\u0131lan her \u015fey de KDP\u2019nin imzas\u0131 vard\u0131r. KDP nas\u0131l bir y\u00f6netim a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa \u00e7\u0131karm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r? Somut olarak ifade etmek gerekirse bu y\u00f6netim, demokrasi kavram\u0131n\u0131n ABC\u2019si bile olmayan bir diktat\u00f6rl\u00fckt\u00fcr. Ve bu diktat\u00f6rl\u00fck bir parti diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc de\u011fil bir aile diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcd\u00fcr. Bu y\u00f6netim tarz\u0131n\u0131 klasik d\u00f6nemlerle \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015ftirmekte, yani sadece a\u011fal\u0131k sistemi olarak g\u00f6rmek de y\u00fczeysel olur. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc K\u00fcrt demokratik ulusla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcnde de engel olan b\u00f6lgecilik gibi geleneksel unsurlar ta\u015f\u0131sa da bu sistem istihbarat\u0131ndan askeri kuvvetlerine, ekonomik ili\u015fkilerinden rant da\u011f\u0131t\u0131m\u0131na tamamen modern ara\u00e7larla in\u015fa edilmi\u015f bir diktat\u00f6rl\u00fckt\u00fcr.<\/p>\n
Bug\u00fcn bu sistemde temel \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fcklerin hi\u00e7biri g\u00fcvence alt\u0131nda de\u011fildir. Kim Barzani egemenli\u011findeki b\u00f6lgede se\u00e7me ve se\u00e7ilme hakk\u0131ndan, \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnden, ifade \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnden bahsedebilir? Tevger hareketinin durumu her \u015feyi g\u00f6zler \u00f6n\u00fcne sermektedir. Bu hareket Duhok\u2019ta \u00f6rg\u00fctlenebilir mi? Yasal olarak buna izin verilir mi? Tabi ki hay\u0131r. Sadece Tevger hareketi i\u00e7in de\u011fil ger\u00e7ekten muhalif hi\u00e7bir hareketin bu b\u00f6lgelerde nefes almas\u0131na bile izin verilmez. Peki sistemi ele\u015ftiren ayd\u0131nlar\u0131n, gazetecilerin nas\u0131l muamele g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc belli de\u011fil midir? Bu b\u00f6lgede kararlar nas\u0131l al\u0131nmaktad\u0131r, insanlar nas\u0131l yarg\u0131lanmaktad\u0131r? Ku\u015fkusuz bu mekanizmalar\u0131n tek bir noktaya yani Barzani ailesine kilitlendi\u011fi a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r. Demokrasicilik oynanmakta oldu\u011fu kesindir ve g\u00fcya se\u00e7imler de vard\u0131r. \u0130yi de sistemin \u00f6nemli yerlerinin birinde soyad\u0131 Barzani olmayan biri var m\u0131d\u0131r? Ekonomi nas\u0131l i\u015flemektedir? Ba\u015fur\u00ea K\u00fcrdistan\u2019da sokakta her hangi birini \u00e7evirip sordu\u011fumuzda bize herhangi b\u00fcy\u00fck bir \u015firketin ya Barzani ailesine ait ya da onlara pay verdi\u011fini s\u00f6yleyecektir. Yani ortada \u00f6yle gizli sakl\u0131 bir durum da yoktur. Ekonomi bu ailenin tekelindedir. Asayi\u015finden mahkemesine kadar Barzanilerin iradesine kar\u015f\u0131 bir karar ya da uygulama olabilir mi? Ortada her alanda bir tekelle\u015fme vard\u0131r ve bunun siyaset bilimindeki tan\u0131m\u0131 nettir. Bu \u00e7arp\u0131k sistemin ad\u0131 da apa\u00e7\u0131k diktat\u00f6rl\u00fckt\u00fcr. Babadan o\u011fula, amcadan ye\u011fene ge\u00e7en y\u00f6netsel organlarda netlikle g\u00f6rebilece\u011fimiz gibi bu ayn\u0131 zamanda aile diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcd\u00fcr.\u00a0 Bu aile halka her \u015feyi kendisine ait olacak bir sistem d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda bir \u015fey reva g\u00f6rmemektedir. Bu zihniyeti \u015eengal\u2019den Ba\u015fur\u2019un ekonomik problemlerine kadar her soruna yakla\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131nda da g\u00f6rebiliriz. Her soruna \u00e7are olarak sunduklar\u0131 kendi \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n
Kurulu\u015fundan bu yana KDP AKP\u2019yi kendine yak\u0131n g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015f, keza 2014 yerel se\u00e7imlerinde do\u011frudan onun propagandas\u0131na bile soyunmu\u015ftu. AKP\u2019nin bug\u00fcn geldi\u011fi noktaya bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda asl\u0131nda benzerlik daha \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131d\u0131r. AKP nas\u0131l bir partiden ziyade Erdo\u011fan\u2019\u0131n ki\u015fisel bir \u015firketine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015fse KDP\u2019de Barzani ailesi i\u00e7in ayn\u0131 konuma indirgenmektedir. Barzani ailesi KDP\u2019yi kendi aile diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn \u015fekli bir k\u0131l\u0131f\u0131 olarak d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmektedir. \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck gerillar\u0131 ile s\u00fcrekli iyi ili\u015fkiler geli\u015ftiren, en son onlardan biri ile \u015fehit d\u00fc\u015fen Z\u00fcbeyir Halil gibi pe\u015fmerge komutanlar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131n KDP\u2019nin b\u00fcy\u00fck oranda bu hale geldi\u011fini s\u00f6yleyebiliriz.<\/p>\n
K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 imha etmeye y\u00f6nelmi\u015f g\u00fc\u00e7lerle ayn\u0131 zihinsel d\u00fcnya Barzani ailesinin sadece K\u00fcrt halk\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 de\u011fil, b\u00f6lgedeki t\u00fcm halklara demokrasi ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011fe d\u00fc\u015fman olanlara eklemlenmesine yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u0130\u015fte bu bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131 Barzani ailesinin K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n ulusal birli\u011finden de\u011fil de kendi halk\u0131n\u0131n katillerinden yana nas\u0131l tav\u0131r alabildi\u011fini daha anla\u015f\u0131l\u0131r k\u0131lmaktad\u0131r. \u00d6nemli olan kendi diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcd\u00fcr, halk\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc de\u011fil. Onun i\u00e7in esas olan s\u00fcr\u00fc olarak g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc K\u00fcrt halk\u0131 de\u011fil, kendi iktidar\u0131d\u0131r. Kendi h\u00e2kimiyetine izin verecekse TC i\u015fgaline onay vermekte bir sak\u0131nca g\u00f6rmez. Bu mant\u0131\u011fa kar\u015f\u0131 K\u00fcrt g\u00fc\u00e7lerinin asgari ulusal ve demokratik ilkelerde bir araya gelmesi K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n gelece\u011fi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan can al\u0131c\u0131 bir \u00f6nem ta\u015f\u0131maktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n
Asl\u0131nda ironik olarak Barzani ailesi T\u00fcrklerin i\u015fgalinden umduklar\u0131 sonu\u00e7ta fazlas\u0131yla yan\u0131lmaktad\u0131rlar. K\u00fcrt halk\u0131na y\u00f6nelmi\u015f k\u0131l\u0131c\u0131 bilemeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 ona kurban olmalar\u0131n\u0131 engellemez. K\u00fcrt tarihi bunun \u00f6rnekleriyle doludur. T\u00fcrk soyk\u0131r\u0131mc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n kendine biat eden K\u00fcrde bile K\u00fcrt olarak tahamm\u00fcl\u00fc yoktur. Bakur\u00ea K\u00fcrdistan deneyimi bir yana son zamanlarda i\u015fgal etti\u011fi Efrin ve Serekaniy\u00ea-Gir\u00ea Sp\u00ee\u2019de ne yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 ortadad\u0131r, i\u015fgali te\u015fvik eden ihanet\u00e7ilere k\u0131r\u0131nt\u0131 bile vermemektedir. Do\u011fal zihinsel yak\u0131nl\u0131k bu apa\u00e7\u0131k ger\u00e7e\u011fi bile g\u00f6rmelerini engellemektedir. Yani Barzani ailesi her \u015feyin merkezine koyduklar\u0131 kendi sistemleri ve varl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 koruyabilmek i\u00e7in bile mevcut pozisyonlar\u0131n\u0131 de\u011fi\u015ftirmelidir. \u00c7a\u011f\u0131m\u0131z kendi halk\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 diktat\u00f6rl\u00fcklerini koruma derdine d\u00fc\u015fen ki\u015fi ve ailelerin kendilerini koruyabildikleri bir \u00e7a\u011f de\u011fildir. Bunu Arap Bahar\u0131 s\u00fcrecinde Ortado\u011fu\u2019da ony\u0131llar\u0131 bulan iktidarlar\u0131 s\u00fcrecinde bir bir devrilen diktat\u00f6rl\u00fckler ger\u00e7e\u011finde g\u00f6rd\u00fck ve bundan sonra da daha fazla g\u00f6rece\u011fiz. \u00c7a\u011f\u0131m\u0131z diktat\u00f6rl\u00fcklere kar\u015f\u0131 radikal demokrasi m\u00fccadelesi verenlerin zaferiyle sonu\u00e7lanacakt\u0131r. Cenga Heftanin her t\u00fcrl\u00fc diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011fe kar\u015f\u0131 bu zaferin m\u00fcjdesi olmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n
Yasin KILI\u00c7KAYA <\/p>\n K\u00fcrdistan Stratejik Ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar Merkezi<\/strong><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" 21. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ba\u015flang\u0131c\u0131n\u0131n, K\u00fcrt halk\u0131 i\u00e7in kritik bir evre olu\u015fturdu\u011fu konusunda herkes hemfikir. Ge\u00e7en y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131nda K\u00fcrdistan\u2019\u0131 par\u00e7alayarak vurulan soyk\u0131r\u0131m \u00e7ivilerinin yerinden oynad\u0131\u011f\u0131, bu sistemin art\u0131k s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclemez oldu\u011fu a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r. Fakat esas problem burada ba\u015fl\u0131yor, K\u00fcrt halk\u0131 bu yeniden olu\u015fturulan sistemde \u00f6zg\u00fcr, onurlu bir \u015fekilde varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kurumsalla\u015ft\u0131rabilecek mi? Yoksa yeni bir yokluk sistemine mi mahk\u00fbm edilecek? […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":23,"featured_media":11717,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"jnews-multi-image_gallery":[],"jnews_single_post":{"subtitle":"","format":"standard","video":"","gallery":"","source_name":"","source_url":"","via_name":"","via_url":"","override_template":"0","override":[{"template":"1","single_blog_custom":"","parallax":"1","fullscreen":"0","layout":"right-sidebar","sidebar":"default-sidebar","second_sidebar":"default-sidebar","sticky_sidebar":"1","share_position":"top","share_float_style":"share-monocrhome","show_share_counter":"1","show_view_counter":"1","show_featured":"1","show_post_meta":"1","show_post_author":"1","show_post_author_image":"1","show_post_date":"1","post_date_format":"default","post_date_format_custom":"Y\/m\/d","show_post_category":"1","show_post_reading_time":"0","post_reading_time_wpm":"300","show_zoom_button":"0","zoom_button_out_step":"2","zoom_button_in_step":"3","show_post_tag":"1","show_prev_next_post":"1","show_popup_post":"1","number_popup_post":"1","show_author_box":"0","show_post_related":"0","show_inline_post_related":"0"}],"override_image_size":"0","image_override":[{"single_post_thumbnail_size":"crop-500","single_post_gallery_size":"crop-500"}],"trending_post":"0","trending_post_position":"meta","trending_post_label":"Trending","sponsored_post":"0","sponsored_post_label":"Sponsored by","sponsored_post_name":"","sponsored_post_url":"","sponsored_post_logo_enable":"0","sponsored_post_logo":"","sponsored_post_desc":""},"jnews_primary_category":{"id":""},"jnews_social_meta":{"fb_title":"","fb_description":"","fb_image":"","twitter_title":"","twitter_description":"","twitter_image":""},"jnews_override_counter":{"override_view_counter":"0","view_counter_number":"0","override_share_counter":"0","share_counter_number":"0","override_like_counter":"0","like_counter_number":"0","override_dislike_counter":"0","dislike_counter_number":"0"},"jnews_post_split":[],"footnotes":""},"categories":[8],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-11716","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-politik-analiz"],"acf":[],"post_mailing_queue_ids":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/11716","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/23"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=11716"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/11716\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":11718,"href":"https:\/\/lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/11716\/revisions\/11718"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/11717"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=11716"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=11716"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=11716"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}
\n<\/strong><\/p>\n