{"id":11509,"date":"2020-07-20T10:04:18","date_gmt":"2020-07-20T08:04:18","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/lekolin.org\/?p=11509"},"modified":"2020-07-20T10:04:18","modified_gmt":"2020-07-20T08:04:18","slug":"akp-mhp-fasizminin-yukselisi-ve-cokusu-yazi-dizisi-1","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/lekolin.org\/ku\/akp-mhp-fasizminin-yukselisi-ve-cokusu-yazi-dizisi-1\/","title":{"rendered":"AKP-MHP Fa\u015fizminin Y\u00fckseli\u015fi ve \u00c7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fc  YAZI D\u0130Z\u0130S\u0130 -1"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><strong>HABER MERKEZ\u0130<\/strong> &#8211; \u00d6ncellikle belirtilmesi gereken T.C. devleti ile fa\u015fist mant\u0131k aras\u0131nda \u00f6zg\u00fcn bir ili\u015fkinin oldu\u011fudur. Keza fa\u015fizmin bir olgu olarak a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131n\u0131n ilk pratik \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc \u0130ttihat ve Terakki Partisidir. \u0130ttihat ve Terakki sadece soyk\u0131r\u0131m gibi insanl\u0131k su\u00e7lar\u0131yla de\u011fil, devleti d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrme bak\u0131m\u0131ndan da fa\u015fist d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceye kaynakl\u0131k etmi\u015ftir. Ve bu \u00f6n fa\u015fist olu\u015fum, gerek do\u011frudan kadrolar\u0131n\u0131n devaml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla gerekse zihinsel olarak devlet akl\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturmas\u0131 ile T.C.\u2019nin ana dinami\u011fini olu\u015fturmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>AKP-MHP fa\u015fist iktidar\u0131n\u0131n gayri resmi iktidara geli\u015finin neredeyse 5 y\u0131l\u0131 doluyor. T.C. tarihinde iki y\u0131l\u0131 a\u015fan koalisyon h\u00fck\u00fcmet d\u00f6nemleri nadirdir, 5 y\u0131l s\u00fcren ise hi\u00e7 yoktur. AKP-MHP fa\u015fizmi bu a\u00e7\u0131dan bir istisnay\u0131 olu\u015fturmaktad\u0131r. T\u00fcrk devlet gelene\u011finde b\u0131rakal\u0131m ilkeler \u00fczerinde uzla\u015fmay\u0131 rant b\u00f6l\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fc temelinde bir birliktelik bile ancak k\u0131sa vadeli olabilir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc biraz g\u00fc\u00e7lenen taraf di\u011ferini tasfiye edip tek h\u00e2kim olmay\u0131 bir an bile akl\u0131ndan \u00e7\u0131karmaz. Bu genel do\u011fruya kar\u015f\u0131n be\u015f y\u0131l gibi k\u0131sa olmayan bir s\u00fcre fa\u015fist ittifak iktidar\u0131n\u0131n s\u00fcrmesinin hikmeti nedir? Ahlaki ilkelerden zaten azade olan fa\u015fist klik hukuku kavram olarak bile yerle bir ederken, toplum \u00fczerinde s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc yo\u011fun bask\u0131n\u0131n yan\u0131nda s\u00fcrekli kriz halini normalle\u015ftirmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131rken ve \u00e7e\u015fitli defalar kendileri y\u00f6netim krizinden dem vururken nas\u0131l oluyor da k\u00f6r topal da olsa bunca zaman y\u00fcr\u00fcd\u00fc ve halen y\u00fcr\u00fcmeye devam ediyor? AKP-MHP fa\u015fist iktidar\u0131n\u0131 m\u00fcmk\u00fcn k\u0131lan etmenler nelerdi ve yine \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmeye g\u00f6t\u00fcren nedenler nelerdir? Fa\u015fist iktidar\u0131n niteli\u011fi \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclme evresini ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7inde bulundu\u011fumuz d\u00f6nemde daha anla\u015f\u0131l\u0131r olmaktad\u0131r. Fakat bu sorulara doyurucu cevaplar bulabilmek i\u00e7in tarihsel-toplumsal bir bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131 \u015fartt\u0131r. Ancak b\u00f6ylesine b\u00fct\u00fcnsel bir perspektif 7 Haziran 2015 tarihinde fiili ba\u015flayan, Ekim 2016 itibariyle alenile\u015fen, \u015eubat 2018\u2019de ise resmi olarak ilan eden AKP-MHP fa\u015fist ittifak\u0131n iktidar d\u00f6nemini anla\u015f\u0131l\u0131r k\u0131lar.<\/p>\n<p>Biz bu yaz\u0131da AKP-MHP fa\u015fizmin dayanaklar\u0131n\u0131, \u00fcst\u00fcnde y\u00fckseldi\u011fi zemini, kilitlenmesini ve sonras\u0131 i\u00e7in olas\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131 ele alaca\u011f\u0131z. Bu \u00e7aba ayn\u0131 zamanda fa\u015fizmin \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcl\u00fc\u015f evresine girme nedenlerini de ara\u015ft\u0131racakt\u0131r. T.C. \u2019nin fa\u015fist gelene\u011fine dair baz\u0131 tespitlerle ba\u015flamak onun son halkas\u0131 olan AKP-MHP fa\u015fizmini kavramak ve bir noktada istisna olan durumunun ayn\u0131 zamanda geleneksel bir izlek i\u00e7inde pratikle\u015fti\u011fini anlamak i\u00e7in i\u015flevsel olacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p><strong>Kurumsalla\u015famayan ve K\u00fcrd\u00fc Bitiremeyen Fa\u015fizmin Kaderi Da\u011f\u0131lmad\u0131r<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>Fa\u015fist birliktelik T.C. rejiminin komaya girdi\u011fi bir d\u00f6nemde onu ayn\u0131 \u00f6zde fakat farkl\u0131 bir \u015fekilde yeniden organize etme iddias\u0131yla iktidara geldi. Devletin \u00f6z\u00fc her \u015feyden \u00f6nce K\u00fcrt d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131yd\u0131. AKP ve MHP, devleti yeni \u015fekille yani ba\u015fkanl\u0131k sistemi ile \u00f6rg\u00fctleyecek art\u0131k varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015fmesini kurumsalla\u015ft\u0131rma d\u00f6nemine girmi\u015f K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n direni\u015fini k\u0131racak, yar\u0131 kalan soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131 tamamlayacak ve bu temelde T.C.\u2019yi b\u00f6lgesel hegemonik bir g\u00fc\u00e7 olacak \u015fekilde yeniden in\u015fa edecekti. Bu \u00e7er\u00e7evede 15 Temmuz darbesini de gerek\u00e7e yaparak s\u0131n\u0131rs\u0131z ekonomik ve yasal olanaklara kavu\u015fan fa\u015fist yap\u0131 hedefine ciddi bi\u00e7imde kilitlendi.<\/p>\n<p>Fakat \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcl\u00fc\u015f\u00fc ayn\u0131 hedefi nedeniyle ger\u00e7ekle\u015fecekti. Kurumsalla\u015famayan ve K\u00fcrd\u00fc bitiremeyen fa\u015fizmin kaderi da\u011f\u0131lmayd\u0131. Ve i\u015fte AKP-MHP fa\u015fizmi final evresine bu k\u0131ska\u00e7 \u00fczerinden geldi. Kendine \u00e7o\u011fu kez \u015fa\u015f\u0131rt\u0131c\u0131 bi\u00e7imde zaman kazand\u0131ran hamleler yapt\u0131 fakat yap\u0131sal fasit daireyi k\u0131ramad\u0131. K\u0131rmas\u0131n\u0131n imk\u00e2nlar\u0131 var m\u0131yd\u0131? Ku\u015fkusuz devletler zaman zaman deri de\u011fi\u015ftirir, yeniden \u00f6rg\u00fctlenebilirler. Ayn\u0131 zamanda \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc iradi m\u00fcdahalenin yap\u0131sall\u0131klar \u00fczerindeki etkisi ink\u00e2ra gelmez.\u00a0 Bu a\u00e7\u0131dan AKP-MHP fa\u015fizmi kendi kurumsalla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 zaten sa\u011flayamazd\u0131 \u015feklinde bir tespit yavan olur. Devleti yineleme bilin\u00e7li bir m\u00fcdahale ile de olabilir, fark\u0131nda olunmadan geli\u015fen bir s\u00fcre\u00e7 de. Lakin unutulmamal\u0131d\u0131r ki her zaman de\u011fi\u015fim mekanizmas\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7er\u00e7eveleyen sosyolojik-tarihsel hakikatler vard\u0131r. \u00d6rne\u011fin K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n \u00d6nderlik gibi bir zihinsel g\u00fcc\u00fc ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck hareketi gibi bu zihinsel g\u00fc\u00e7le m\u00fccadele eden fiziksel g\u00fcc\u00fc var olduk\u00e7a soyk\u0131r\u0131ma u\u011frat\u0131lmas\u0131 m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildir. Bu asl\u0131nda fa\u015fistlerin de g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc \u00e7\u0131plak bir ger\u00e7ekliktir. Fakat onlar i\u00e7in K\u00fcrd\u00fc yok etmeden ba\u015far\u0131ya giden bir yolda yoktur. Daha \u00f6nce denedikleri \u00f6rt\u00fcl\u00fc tasfiye \u00e7abalar\u0131 \u00d6nderli\u011fin hamlelerinde da\u011f\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. K\u00fcrtleri soyk\u0131r\u0131ma u\u011fratmadan devletle\u015femeyen fa\u015fist ittifak bu a\u00e7\u0131dan daha ba\u015ftan sosyolojik hakikatlere kar\u015f\u0131 hareket ediyordu ve tarihsel-toplumsal ger\u00e7eklikle uyu\u015fmayan tek y\u00f6n\u00fc de bu de\u011fildi. Yani tarihsel diyalektik hem onun var olmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flayan zeminler olu\u015fturuyor ama varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kal\u0131c\u0131la\u015ft\u0131rmas\u0131na bir\u00e7ok a\u00e7\u0131dan da el vermiyordu. Arad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z cevaplarda bu iki u\u00e7lu aral\u0131kta ifadeye kavu\u015facakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n<p><strong>AKP-MHP Fa\u015fizmi Ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 Her Darbede Daha da Sald\u0131rganla\u015f\u0131yor Ve\u2026<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>31 Mart 2019 yerel se\u00e7imleri AKP-MHP fa\u015fizminin kurumsalla\u015fma \u00e7abalar\u0131n\u0131n iflas\u0131n\u0131n bir g\u00f6stergesi oldu. 23 Haziran\u2019da yinelenen \u0130stanbul se\u00e7imleri ise iflas\u0131n daha a\u00e7\u0131k bir bi\u00e7imde tescillenmesiydi. T\u00fcrkiye ve Kuzey K\u00fcrdistan\u2019\u0131n \u00f6nemli t\u00fcm \u015fehirlerinde kaybeden AKP-MHP iktidar\u0131 onanmaz bir yara ald\u0131. Bu yara onu daha sald\u0131rganla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131, fakat Rojava\u2019da i\u015fgal alan\u0131n\u0131 geni\u015fletmesi direni\u015fin derinle\u015ftirdi\u011fi yaras\u0131na deva olmad\u0131. Ku\u015fkusuz \u015fimdilik fa\u015fist ittifak\u0131n da\u011f\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan ya da \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnden bahsetmek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fil, fakat uzun zamand\u0131r ba\u015f a\u015fa\u011f\u0131 giden ve \u00fclkeyi y\u00f6netemedi\u011fini defalarca itiraf eden iktidar\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclme a\u015famas\u0131na girdi\u011fi de ink\u00e2r edilemez. Son bir y\u0131l a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a AKP-MHP fa\u015fizminin gerilemesinin h\u0131zland\u0131\u011f\u0131, g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr oldu\u011fu bir d\u00f6nem oldu.<\/p>\n<p>Yerel se\u00e7imleri fa\u015fizmin ba\u015f a\u015fa\u011f\u0131 gidi\u015finin ba\u015flang\u0131c\u0131 de\u011fil \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcl\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr olmaya ba\u015flamas\u0131 \u015feklinde ele almak daha do\u011fru olur. Yani AKP-MHP fa\u015fist ittifak\u0131 sadece se\u00e7im sonucu nedeniyle zay\u0131flamam\u0131\u015f, her y\u00f6n\u00fcyle a\u00e7maza girdi\u011fi i\u00e7in yerel se\u00e7imleri elindeki t\u00fcm olanaklara ve yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 hilelere ra\u011fmen kazanamam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Erdo\u011fan-Bah\u00e7eli fa\u015fizmi t\u00fcm sald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131n ba\u015fta K\u00fcrt \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck hareketi olmak \u00fczere demokrasi g\u00fc\u00e7lerinin direni\u015fini k\u0131ramad\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in hegemonyas\u0131n\u0131 kesinle\u015ftirememi\u015f, i\u00e7te ve d\u0131\u015fta te\u015fhir olmu\u015ftur. \u00d6zellikle K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n topyek\u00fbn direni\u015f fa\u015fizmi a\u00e7maza sokmu\u015f, hayallerini kursa\u011f\u0131nda b\u0131rakm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. D\u00f6rt par\u00e7a da s\u00fcreklile\u015ftirdi\u011fi sald\u0131r\u0131lara kar\u015f\u0131 geri ad\u0131m at\u0131lmam\u0131\u015f ve t\u00fcm olanaks\u0131zl\u0131klara kar\u015f\u0131 fa\u015fizmin stratejisi bozguna u\u011frat\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Rojava\u2019n\u0131n Ekim 2019\u2019da g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi direni\u015f k\u00fcresel bir deste\u011fi kavu\u015fup fa\u015fist sald\u0131rganl\u0131\u011f\u0131n t\u00fcm insanl\u0131k taraf\u0131ndan g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc ve kabul edilemeyece\u011fini a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131kla ortaya koymu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n<p>AKP-MHP fa\u015fizmi miad\u0131n\u0131 doldurmu\u015f olsa bile t\u00fcmden tasfiye edilmi\u015f de\u011fildir. Dahas\u0131 2020 yaz\u0131 itibariyle K\u00fcrt halk\u0131na sald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 d\u00f6rt par\u00e7a K\u00fcrdistan\u2019da yo\u011funla\u015ft\u0131rm\u0131\u015f durumdad\u0131r. Fakat bu geriye do\u011fru gidi\u015fin h\u0131zland\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6rtmez. Yine de \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f s\u00fcrecinin kendili\u011finden ilerlemeyece\u011finin ve m\u00fccadelenin belirleyici oldu\u011funun alt\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7izilmesi gerekir<\/p>\n<p><strong>Fa\u015fizm ve T.C. Devleti<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Fa\u015fizmin insanl\u0131\u011fa b\u00fcy\u00fck zararlar veren i\u00e7eri\u011fi ve prati\u011fi a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r. Ulus devlet zihniyetinin topluma a\u00e7\u0131k sava\u015f\u0131 olan fa\u015fizm, derinlemesine incelenmesi gereken ve tek bir devletle s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 ele al\u0131nmayacak bir vakad\u0131r. Ulus devletin topluma sald\u0131r\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n a\u00e7\u0131k zor ayg\u0131tlar\u0131yla yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 evre olarak basitle\u015ftirilebilecek fa\u015fizm,\u00a0 her ulus devletin zor durumda a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa vurdu\u011fu gizli y\u00fcz\u00fcd\u00fcr. Ulus devletin toplumu bi\u00e7imlendirme hamlesini a\u00e7\u0131k \u015fiddet ve \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131kla paralel bir milliyet\u00e7ilikle yapmas\u0131 fa\u015fizm anlam\u0131na gelir.\u00a0 Fa\u015fizmde devletler toplumun m\u00fccadelesi sonucu a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa \u00e7\u0131kan demokrasiye duyarl\u0131 yanlar\u0131 rafa kald\u0131r\u0131r. Ayr\u0131ca devlet iktidar\u0131n\u0131 me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131rma ama\u00e7l\u0131 kulland\u0131\u011f\u0131 hukuk gibi ara\u00e7lar\u0131 kullanma gere\u011fi duymaz, fa\u015fizm \u00e7\u0131plak zor \u00fczerinde y\u00fckselir. Fa\u015fizm devletin b\u00fct\u00fcnc\u00fcl iktidar\u0131n\u0131n a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 \u015fovenizm ve zor ayg\u0131tlar\u0131 d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda farkl\u0131 bir y\u00fcze ihtiya\u00e7 duymad\u0131\u011f\u0131 durumdur. K\u0131sacas\u0131 devlet\u00e7i tekellerin topluma sald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 en vah\u015fi ve a\u00e7\u0131k y\u00fcr\u00fctt\u00fc\u011f\u00fc merhalenin ad\u0131d\u0131r, fa\u015fizm.<\/p>\n<p>\u00d6ncellikle belirtilmesi gereken T.C. devleti ile fa\u015fist mant\u0131k aras\u0131nda \u00f6zg\u00fcn bir ili\u015fkinin oldu\u011fudur. Keza fa\u015fizmin bir olgu olarak a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131n\u0131n ilk pratik \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc \u0130ttihat ve Terakki Partisidir. \u0130ttihat ve Terakki sadece soyk\u0131r\u0131m gibi insanl\u0131k su\u00e7lar\u0131yla de\u011fil, devleti d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrme bak\u0131mdan da fa\u015fist d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceye kaynakl\u0131k etmi\u015ftir. Ve bu \u00f6n fa\u015fist olu\u015fum, gerek do\u011frudan kadrolar\u0131n\u0131n devaml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla gerekse zihinsel olarak devlet akl\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturmas\u0131 ile T.C. \u2018nin ana dinami\u011fini olu\u015fturmaktad\u0131r. \u00d6nderlik Yol Haritas\u0131 kitab\u0131nda bu durumu \u015fu \u015fekilde a\u00e7\u0131klar:<\/p>\n<p>\u201cUlus devletler iki katl\u0131 bir yabanc\u0131la\u015fmay\u0131 temsil ederler; bir yandan eski uygarl\u0131ktan kalma iktidar olarak yabanc\u0131la\u015fma, di\u011fer yandan kapitalist modernitenin dayatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 ulus devlet yabanc\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131. Katmerle\u015fen iktidar tekeli halk k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fc \u00fczerinde soyk\u0131r\u0131ma varan rejimler uygular. Devlet eliyle kapitalistle\u015fme burjuvala\u015fma ve fa\u015fistle\u015fmeyle i\u00e7 i\u00e7e y\u00fcr\u00fcmektedir. T\u00fcrkiye bu s\u00fcreci 20. y\u00fczy\u0131lla birlikte yo\u011fun ya\u015fayacakt\u0131r. \u0130ttihat ve Terakki Cemiyeti olarak kendini adland\u0131ran hareket bu ger\u00e7e\u011fi ifade etmektedir.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Fa\u015fizm her ulus devlete i\u00e7kin bir durum olsa bile T.C. \u00f6rne\u011finde fa\u015fizmin bask\u0131n nitelik oldu\u011funu belirtmek gerekir. Bu durum her \u015feyden \u00f6nce sistemin K\u00fcrt soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131 \u00fczerinden \u015fekillenmesinden kaynaklan\u0131r. Bir halk\u0131 yok etme \u00fczerine kurulan bir devlet sistemati\u011finin fa\u015fizmle s\u00fcrekli ha\u015fir ne\u015fir olmas\u0131 ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmazd\u0131r.97 y\u0131ll\u0131k tarihinin neredeyse her d\u00f6neminde g\u00f6zlemlenen bu durum devletin y\u00f6netim gelene\u011fini olu\u015fturmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n<p>T.C. \u2018nin s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci ve soyk\u0131r\u0131mc\u0131 yap\u0131s\u0131 onun fa\u015fist \u00e7ekirde\u011fini de s\u00fcrekli k\u0131lmaktad\u0131r. Bir halk\u0131 yok edip \u00fclkesini s\u00f6m\u00fcrge konumda tutmay\u0131 temel hedefi olarak g\u00f6ren bir devletin demokrasiye duyarl\u0131 hale gelmesi, evrensel hukuk kurallar\u0131na g\u00f6re davranmas\u0131 m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildir. Bu nedenle K\u00fcrt sorunu T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de demokratikle\u015fmenin mihenk ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131r. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc soyk\u0131r\u0131mc\u0131 ve s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci mant\u0131k devletin t\u00fcm organizasyonuna h\u00e2kim konumdad\u0131r. T\u00fcrk devleti her d\u00f6nemde ayn\u0131 zihniyeti s\u00fcrekli pratikle\u015ftirmi\u015f ve fa\u015fizan uygulamalar\u0131ndan vazge\u00e7memi\u015ftir. Devletin \u00e7ekirde\u011fi egemenli\u011fini de bu zihniyet \u00fczerinden in\u015fa etmi\u015ftir ve onun \u00fczerinden s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmektedir. Bu mant\u0131k k\u0131r\u0131lmadan devletin demokratik d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcmden ge\u00e7mesi s\u00f6z konusu olamaz.<\/p>\n<p>\u0130ttihat ve Terakki Partisinden arta kalan bir klik taraf\u0131ndan kurulan T\u00fcrkiye Cumhuriyeti ba\u015ftan itibaren fa\u015fizan e\u011filimlere sahipti. 1925\u2019te ise bir yandan K\u00fcrt soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131 i\u00e7in d\u00fc\u011fmeye bas\u0131l\u0131rken di\u011fer yandan \u00f6nceden herhangi bir alternatif muhalefet oda\u011f\u0131 b\u0131rakmamak i\u00e7in ba\u015flanan temizleme hareketine h\u0131z verildi. Ankara\u2019da m\u00fccadeleyi veren meclis 1923\u2019te tasfiye edilmi\u015f, sadece baz\u0131 \u00f6nde gelen isimler milletvekili olarak kalabilmi\u015fti. 1926\u2019da kalan \u00f6nc\u00fc kadrolar da susturuldu. Tasfiye edilenler de \u0130ttihat\u00e7\u0131 ve fa\u015fistti. Sonradan baz\u0131lar\u0131 Kara ve Ye\u015fil fa\u015fizmin at\u0131f yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 ki\u015filer olacakt\u0131. Fakat mesele devletin siyasetten bile monolitik bir yap\u0131ya kavu\u015fturulmas\u0131yd\u0131. T\u00fcrk devlet gelene\u011finde var olan tek egemen prensibi cumhuriyet makyaj\u0131 ile devam ettiriliyordu. Cumhuriyet daha ba\u015ftan oligar\u015fik diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn cilas\u0131yd\u0131. Yeni Cumhuriyettin ayn\u0131 zihniyette olan muhaliflere bile tahamm\u00fcl\u00fc yoktu. K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131 ve demokratik, sosyalist hareketleri ise ortadan kald\u0131rmay\u0131 temel hedef olarak belirlemi\u015fti.<\/p>\n<p>B\u00f6ylece Beyaz T\u00fcrk fa\u015fizmi askeri-sivil b\u00fcrokrasinin temel ideolojik yap\u0131lanmas\u0131 olarak hegemonyas\u0131n\u0131 in\u015fa etti. Devlet tamamen bu \u00e7er\u00e7evede oligar\u015fik y\u00f6n\u00fc bask\u0131n ve g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr bir bi\u00e7imde olu\u015fturuldu. Devlet yap\u0131s\u0131na dair yasalar fa\u015fist devletlerden kopyaland\u0131. \u00c7yk\u00fcnme sadece yasalar\u0131 kopyalama a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan de\u011fildi, tarihten edebiyata, k\u00fclt\u00fcrden spora her alanda fa\u015fist bir atmosfer yarat\u0131ld\u0131. 1930\u2019lar zaten fa\u015fizmin d\u00fcnyada da y\u00fckseldi\u011fi bir d\u00f6nemdi. T\u0131pk\u0131 bug\u00fcn yap\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi bu zihniyette y\u00fccele\u015ftirilen \u201cDevletin bekas\u0131\u201d kavram\u0131 ile fa\u015fizm gerek\u00e7elendirilmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131ld\u0131. Ve o zamanda asl\u0131nda bahsedilen beka, egemenlerin s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc d\u00fczeninden ba\u015fka bir \u015fey de\u011fildi.<\/p>\n<p>Devletin fa\u015fist yap\u0131s\u0131 gerek i\u00e7te direnecek odaklar\u0131n c\u0131l\u0131z olmas\u0131 gerekse d\u0131\u015fta ya\u015fanan kaos durumu nedeniyle makyaja ihtiya\u00e7 duyulmadan 1946\u2019ya kadar gelebildi. 1950\u2019de ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen h\u00fck\u00fcmet de\u011fi\u015fimi ve devletin \u015feklinde yap\u0131lan k\u0131smi d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcmler \u00f6z\u00fc de\u011fi\u015ftirmemi\u015fti. Sosyalist muhalefet \u00fczerindeki bask\u0131 hi\u00e7 kalkmazken, K\u00fcrt halk\u0131na sald\u0131r\u0131lara ara verilmemi\u015f hatta daha da katmerlenmi\u015fti. K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n buharla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnen ve her f\u0131rsatta kalan de\u011ferlere y\u00f6nelen devletin politikalar\u0131na ili\u015fkin pratik \u00f6rnekler 1950-1960 aras\u0131 hayli fazlad\u0131r, yaln\u0131z 49\u2019lar davas\u0131n\u0131n hat\u0131rlanmas\u0131 yeterlidir. 27 May\u0131s 1960 Askeri Darbesi ise Beyaz T\u00fcrk fa\u015fizminin iktidar\u0131 b\u0131rakmaya ya da payla\u015fmaya niyetinin olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n a\u00e7\u0131k kan\u0131t\u0131yd\u0131. Askeri-sivil b\u00fcrokrasi yeni palazlanan \u00fcst s\u0131n\u0131flarla eski toprak beylerin h\u00fck\u00fcmetine ad\u0131 cumhuriyet olan bu devletin \u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fcn sadece s\u0131n\u0131r ya da hukuk tan\u0131maz g\u00fc\u00e7 ve iktidar oldu\u011funu ve iktidar\u0131n da onlarda oldu\u011funu ac\u0131mas\u0131z bir \u015fekilde g\u00f6sterdi. Bu iktidara talip t\u00fcm tekelci gruplara a\u00e7\u0131k bir g\u00f6zda\u011f\u0131yd\u0131 ve onlarda uzun s\u00fcreli bir tramvaya(o g\u00fcnden sonra as\u0131lan ba\u015fbakan\u0131n g\u00f6lgesi yeni ba\u015fbakanlar\u0131n neredeyse hepsinin \u00fcst\u00fcne d\u00fc\u015fecekti.) sebep olacakt\u0131. 1960 darbesi Beyaz T\u00fcrk fa\u015fist e\u011filimin iktidar\u0131n\u0131 yeniden tahkim ederken uluslararas\u0131 ko\u015fullar\u0131n etkisiyle baz\u0131 demokratik ad\u0131mlar\u0131 beraberinde getirdi. Bu durum sonradan 60 Darbesini ilerici bi\u00e7imde ele alan bir\u00e7ok yanl\u0131\u015f anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 besleyen bir \u00e7eli\u015fkiydi.<\/p>\n<p>\u00c7eli\u015fki, 71 darbesi ile a\u015f\u0131ld\u0131. Devlet fa\u015fist kimli\u011fine daha g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir \u015fekilde geri d\u00f6nm\u00fc\u015f, topluma y\u00f6neltti\u011fi sald\u0131r\u0131 boyutlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Fakat hem K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n hem de demokratik toplumcu g\u00fc\u00e7lerin m\u00fccadelesi sald\u0131r\u0131lara kar\u015f\u0131 direni\u015fle boyutlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Direni\u015f devletin fa\u015fist \u00f6z\u00fcne uygun d\u00fczenlemeleri k\u0131smen engelleyebilmi\u015fti. 71-80 aras\u0131 demokratik m\u00fccadelenin geli\u015fimi devletin yap\u0131sal buhran\u0131n\u0131 ise derinle\u015ftirmi\u015fti. 12 Eyl\u00fcl Fa\u015fizmi T.C. rejiminin krizini hegemonik g\u00fc\u00e7lerin verdi\u011fi yeni g\u00f6revler ve daha a\u00e7\u0131k topyek\u00fbn bir sald\u0131r\u0131 ile a\u015fmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Fa\u015fizmin Etkilerini K\u0131rmak \u0130\u00e7in Demokratikle\u015fme M\u00fccadelesi G\u00fc\u00e7lenmeli<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>1980 Fa\u015fist darbesine mevcut devletin \u015fekline yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 etki nedeniyle daha yak\u0131ndan bakmak gerekir.\u00a0 12 Eyl\u00fcl fa\u015fizmi T\u00fcrk devlet gelene\u011fine dayanarak bir kurumsalla\u015fma yaratm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu kurumsalla\u015fma Anayasa ve yasalarla olu\u015fturdu\u011fu devlet sisteminin hala s\u00fcr\u00fcyor olmas\u0131 ile ilgili oldu\u011fu gibi topluma dayatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 kal\u0131plar\u0131n ve palazland\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 ideolojik gruplar\u0131n etkileri ile de g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrd\u00fcr. Fa\u015fizme kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadele onu geriletmi\u015f ve bir\u00e7ok a\u00e7\u0131dan iflas ettirmi\u015ftir. Fakat 12 Eyl\u00fcl d\u00f6neminin kapan\u0131p yeni bir d\u00f6neme ge\u00e7ildi\u011fi s\u00f6ylenemez. S\u00fcreklili\u011fini tarihsel d\u00fczlemde yerli yerine oturtabilmek \u00f6nemlidir.<\/p>\n<p>12 Eyl\u00fcl cuntas\u0131 iktidara el koyup devlet mekanizmas\u0131n\u0131 yeniden \u00f6rg\u00fctlerken yine toplumsall\u0131\u011fa m\u00fcdahale ederken bunu pratik ara\u00e7larla yapm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu siyasal, k\u00fclt\u00fcrel, ekonomik ara\u00e7lar devletin t\u00fcm yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 etkilerken, toplumsall\u0131k \u00fczerinde de ciddi tahribatlar yaratm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu a\u00e7\u0131dan 1990\u2019larla birlikte 12 Eyl\u00fcl\u2019\u00fcn te\u015fhir olmas\u0131 ve neredeyse t\u00fcm \u00e7evrelerin darbeyi olumsuz g\u00f6r\u00fcr duruma gelmesi, bunun 2000\u2019lerle birlikte zirve yapmas\u0131 tam bir hesapla\u015fma anlam\u0131na gelmez \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc \u00f6zellikle yap\u0131sal d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcmler T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de s\u00f6z konusu olmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Fa\u015fizmin etkilerini k\u0131rmak demek demokratik bir i\u015fleyi\u015fin h\u00e2kim olmas\u0131 demektir. \u00d6rne\u011fin \u0130spanya, Franco fa\u015fizmi ile y\u00fczle\u015fmek i\u00e7in \u00f6nemli d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcmler yapm\u0131\u015f ve bu belli bir zamana yay\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ancak bu \u015fekilde fa\u015fizmden k\u0131smi ar\u0131nma ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmi\u015ftir. Kald\u0131 ki Bask \u00fclkesi ve Katalonya sorunlar\u0131nda g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcz \u00fczere \u0130spanya i\u00e7in de hala da yap\u0131lmas\u0131 gerekenler vard\u0131r. T\u00fcrkiye i\u00e7in ise demokratikle\u015fmenin \u00e7ok yal\u0131n bir ilk ad\u0131m\u0131 vard\u0131r. Bu ad\u0131m K\u00fcrt sorunun \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmesidir. K\u00fcrt sorunu \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcms\u00fcz kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00fcrece T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin darbeci fa\u015fist sistem \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde kalmas\u0131 ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmazd\u0131r. Nitekim tutarl\u0131 bir metin olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lacak kadar de\u011fi\u015ftirilip yamal\u0131 boh\u00e7aya \u00e7evrilse de(yap\u0131lan de\u011fi\u015fimlerin y\u00fczeysel oldu\u011fu da unutulmamal\u0131d\u0131r) 12 Eyl\u00fcl\u2019\u00fcn K\u00fcrt d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131 fa\u015fist Anayasa\u2019s\u0131n\u0131n hala y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fckte olmas\u0131 bunu a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131kla g\u00f6sterir. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de ya\u015fayan herkesi T\u00fcrk sayarak ink\u00e2rc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n zirvesinde olan bir anayasan\u0131n fa\u015fist sistemi s\u00fcrekli g\u00fcndemde tutmas\u0131nda \u015fa\u015f\u0131lacak bir \u015fey yoktur.<\/p>\n<p>40 y\u0131ld\u0131r T\u00fcrk devleti fa\u015fist darbenin \u00e7izdi\u011fi \u00e7er\u00e7evenin d\u0131\u015f\u0131na \u00e7\u0131kmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Mant\u0131k, zihniyet ve i\u015fleyi\u015f de\u011fi\u015fmemi\u015ftir. K\u00fcrt \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck Hareketi ve T\u00fcrkiye demokrasi g\u00fc\u00e7lerinin m\u00fccadelesi ku\u015fkusuz devletin geri ad\u0131m atmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Devlet buna zorland\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in baz\u0131 de\u011fi\u015fimleri yapmak zorunda kalm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Fakat cevher de\u011fi\u015fmemi\u015ftir. Bu zaman zarf\u0131nda iktidar olan ya da mecliste temsilini bulan K\u00fcrt siyasal hareketi d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki t\u00fcm partilerde \u015f\u00f6yle ya da b\u00f6yle 12 Eyl\u00fcl mant\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc olmu\u015ftur. Devlet i\u00e7inde rekabet eden t\u00fcm tekelci klikler de ayn\u0131 anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 payla\u015fm\u0131\u015f aralar\u0131ndaki farkl\u0131l\u0131k \u00e7\u0131karda ve tarzda olmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n<p>1980-2000 aras\u0131 T.C. devletinin fa\u015fist kimli\u011fi ise \u00f6rneklemeye ihtiya\u00e7 duymaks\u0131z\u0131n a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r. K\u00fcrt halk\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclen soyk\u0131r\u0131m sald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131 tipik fa\u015fist vah\u015fetle y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. T.C. devletinin bu fa\u015fist yap\u0131s\u0131 kapitalist merkez \u00fclkeler taraf\u0131ndan da \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fclm\u00fc\u015f, desteklenmi\u015f ve Ortado\u011fu\u2019da geli\u015febilecek demokratik hareketlerine kar\u015f\u0131 bir fren olarak d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Bu fa\u015fist sistemin her zaman emperyalizmin onay\u0131 \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde topluma, K\u00fcrt halk\u0131na ve demokratik muhalefete sald\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n alt\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7izmeliyiz.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p><strong>K\u00fcrdistan Stratejik Ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar Merkezi<\/strong><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>HABER MERKEZ\u0130 &#8211; \u00d6ncellikle belirtilmesi gereken T.C. devleti ile fa\u015fist mant\u0131k aras\u0131nda \u00f6zg\u00fcn bir ili\u015fkinin oldu\u011fudur. Keza fa\u015fizmin bir olgu olarak a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131n\u0131n ilk pratik \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc \u0130ttihat ve Terakki Partisidir. \u0130ttihat ve Terakki sadece soyk\u0131r\u0131m gibi insanl\u0131k su\u00e7lar\u0131yla de\u011fil, devleti d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrme bak\u0131m\u0131ndan da fa\u015fist d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceye kaynakl\u0131k etmi\u015ftir. Ve bu \u00f6n fa\u015fist olu\u015fum, gerek do\u011frudan kadrolar\u0131n\u0131n [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":23,"featured_media":11510,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"jnews-multi-image_gallery":[],"jnews_single_post":{"subtitle":"","format":"standard","video":"","gallery":"","source_name":"","source_url":"","via_name":"","via_url":"","override_template":"0","override":[{"template":"1","single_blog_custom":"","parallax":"1","fullscreen":"0","layout":"right-sidebar","sidebar":"default-sidebar","second_sidebar":"default-sidebar","sticky_sidebar":"1","share_position":"top","share_float_style":"share-monocrhome","show_share_counter":"1","show_view_counter":"1","show_featured":"1","show_post_meta":"1","show_post_author":"1","show_post_author_image":"1","show_post_date":"1","post_date_format":"default","post_date_format_custom":"Y\/m\/d","show_post_category":"1","show_post_reading_time":"0","post_reading_time_wpm":"300","show_zoom_button":"0","zoom_button_out_step":"2","zoom_button_in_step":"3","show_post_tag":"1","show_prev_next_post":"1","show_popup_post":"1","number_popup_post":"1","show_author_box":"0","show_post_related":"0","show_inline_post_related":"0"}],"override_image_size":"0","image_override":[{"single_post_thumbnail_size":"crop-500","single_post_gallery_size":"crop-500"}],"trending_post":"0","trending_post_position":"meta","trending_post_label":"Trending","sponsored_post":"0","sponsored_post_label":"Sponsored by","sponsored_post_name":"","sponsored_post_url":"","sponsored_post_logo_enable":"0","sponsored_post_logo":"","sponsored_post_desc":""},"jnews_primary_category":{"id":""},"jnews_social_meta":{"fb_title":"","fb_description":"","fb_image":"","twitter_title":"","twitter_description":"","twitter_image":""},"jnews_override_counter":{"override_view_counter":"0","view_counter_number":"0","override_share_counter":"0","share_counter_number":"0","override_like_counter":"0","like_counter_number":"0","override_dislike_counter":"0","dislike_counter_number":"0"},"jnews_post_split":[],"footnotes":""},"categories":[5,13],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-11509","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-haberler","category-dizi-yazi"],"acf":[],"post_mailing_queue_ids":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/11509","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/23"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=11509"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/11509\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":11511,"href":"https:\/\/lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/11509\/revisions\/11511"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/11510"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=11509"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=11509"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=11509"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}